双语:《“一国两制”下香港的民主发展》白皮书 PDF下载

双语全文(PDF见文末)

“一国两制”下香港的民主发展
Hong Kong
Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems

(2021年12月)
中华人民共和国
国务院新闻办公室
The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China
December 2021

 

目录
Contents

前言
Preamble

一、香港在英国殖民统治下没有民主可言
I. Under British Colonial Rule There Was No Democracy in Hong Kong

二、回归祖国开启了香港民主的新纪元
II. The Return of Hong Kong to China Ushered in a New Era for Democracy

三、中央政府坚定支持香港特别行政区民主向前发展
III. The Central Government Is Committed to Developing Democracy in Hong Kong

四、反中乱港势力阻挠破坏香港特别行政区民主发展
IV. Anti-China Agitators Undermine and Disrupt Democracy in Hong Kong

五、香港特别行政区民主发展重回正轨
V. Development of Democracy in Hong Kong Is Back on Track

六、香港特别行政区民主发展前景光明
VI. The Prospects Are Bright for Democracy in Hong Kong

结束语
Conclusion

 

前言
Preamble

香港在英国殖民统治之下没有民主可言。中国政府对香港恢复行使主权,实行“一国两制”方针,创建了香港特别行政区的民主制度,并在实践中支持其不断发展完善。中国共产党和中国政府建立发展香港民主的决心、诚意以及付出的巨大努力一以贯之,有目共睹。
Under British colonial rule, there was no democracy in Hong Kong. After resuming the exercise of sovereignty, the Chinese government implemented the basic policy of One Country, Two Systems and established democracy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It has since provided constant support to the region in developing its democratic system. The determination, sincerity, and efforts of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese government to this end have remained consistent and are obvious to any objective observer.

一个时期以来,受各种内外复杂因素影响,反中乱港活动猖獗,香港局势一度出现严峻局面。香港反中乱港势力勾连外部敌对势力,屡屡阻挠香港特别行政区民主的发展。他们以争取“民主”为名,行分裂国家、颠覆政权之实,意图把香港变成实施“颜色革命”的桥头堡,严重冲击国家宪法和香港基本法确定的宪制秩序,危害国家安全,损害香港繁荣稳定。
Hong Kong has faced an extended period of damaging social unrest caused by anti-China agitators both inside and outside the region. Over the years, those who attempt to overturn the new constitutional order and destabilize Hong Kong and the rest of China have colluded to obstruct the democratic process. On the pretext of “fighting for democracy”, they have attempted to stage a color revolution, split Hong Kong from China, and seize power there. Their attempts have gravely threatened the order established by the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (Constitution) and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Basic Law), thus endangering China’s national security and Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity.

中共十八大以来,习近平总书记就新形势下坚持“一国两制”方针等重大问题作出一系列重要论述,为推进“一国两制”实践行稳致远提供了根本遵循。习近平总书记指出,香港特别行政区的民主发展必须遵循“一国两制”方针和香港基本法,从本地实际出发,依法有序进行。针对近年来香港出现的政治乱象及其造成的严重危害,中国共产党和中央政府审时度势,作出健全依照宪法和基本法对特别行政区行使全面管治权、完善同宪法和基本法实施相关制度机制的重大决策,推动建立健全香港特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制,完善香港特别行政区选举制度,坚定落实“爱国者治港”原则。这一系列标本兼治的举措,推动香港局势实现由乱到治的重大转折,推动香港特别行政区民主发展重新回到正确轨道。中央政府将坚定不移、全面准确贯彻“一国两制”方针,坚定不移支持香港特别行政区发展符合其宪制地位和实际情况的民主制度。
Since the 18th CPC National Congress in 2012, President Xi Jinping has emphasized on many occasions the importance of upholding the One Country, Two Systems policy in the new era. His observations provide the fundamental guidance for its sustained implementation. President Xi has pointed out that in developing democracy in Hong Kong, we must abide by the principle of One Country, Two Systems and the Basic Law and act in an orderly manner, in line with local realities and in accordance with the law. To put an end to the political turmoil of recent years and the serious damage it has caused in Hong Kong, the CPC and the Chinese government have taken a series of major decisions, based on a clear understanding of the situation in the region. These include strengthening the central authorities’ overall jurisdiction over the HKSAR in accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law, improving the relevant systems and mechanisms to enforce the Constitution and the Basic Law, reinforcing the legal framework and supporting mechanisms for safeguarding national security in the HKSAR, and modifying the region’s electoral system, thereby laying the foundations for Hong Kong patriots to govern Hong Kong. These measures address both the symptoms and root causes of the unrest, and have restored order to Hong Kong, returning the democratic process to a sound footing. The Chinese government will continue to implement the principle of One Country, Two Systems fully and faithfully, and it will support Hong Kong in developing a democratic system that conforms to the region’s constitutional status and actual conditions.

发展完善香港特别行政区的民主,对保障香港居民民主权利、实现良政善治、确保香港长期繁荣稳定和长治久安具有重大意义。全面回顾香港特别行政区民主的产生和发展历程,进一步阐明中央政府对香港特别行政区民主发展的原则立场,目的是正本清源、拨乱反正、凝聚共识,继续推动香港特别行政区民主稳步向前发展,确保香港“一国两制”实践行稳致远,更好造福全体香港居民。
Developing and improving democracy in Hong Kong is of profound importance in safeguarding the democratic rights of the people, realizing good governance, and ensuring long-term prosperity, stability and security. A comprehensive review of the origin and development of democracy in the HKSAR, and the principles and position of the central government, will help clarify facts, set the record straight, and build consensus. It will further the orderly progress of democracy in Hong Kong, ensure the long-term implementation of One Country, Two Systems, and benefit all local residents.

一、香港在英国殖民统治下没有民主可言
I. Under British Colonial Rule There Was No Democracy in Hong Kong

香港自古以来是中国领土。十九世纪二十年代,英国商人开始利用香港向中国内地走私贩卖鸦片。鸦片战争后,英国军队侵占香港岛。1842年8月29日,英国强迫清政府签订中国近代史上第一个不平等条约——《南京条约》,割让香港岛。第二次鸦片战争后,英国迫使清政府于1860年10月24日签订《北京条约》,割让九龙半岛南端界限街以南的地区。中日甲午战争后,英国趁火打劫,强迫清政府于1898年6月9日签订《展拓香港界址专条》,强租“新界”地区99年,由此侵占整个香港地区。这三个不平等条约都是英国侵略中国的产物,中国人民和辛亥革命后历届中国政府从来不予承认。
Hong Kong has been a part of China’s territory since ancient times. In the 1820s, British merchants began smuggling opium into the mainland of China via Hong Kong Island.
After the First Opium War of 1840-1842, British troops occupied Hong Kong Island. On August 29, 1842, Britain forced the Qing government to sign the Treaty of Nanking, the first of the unequal treaties in China’s modern history, which ceded Hong Kong Island to Britain.
After the Second Opium War of 1856-1860, Britain forced the Qing government to sign the Beijing Convention on October 24, 1860, which ceded to the UK the part of Kowloon Peninsula south of present-day Boundary Street.
After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, Britain again forced the Qing government to sign the Convention Between Great Britain and China Respecting an Extension of Hong Kong Territory on June 9, 1898, by which the New Territories were leased to Britain for 99 years. The rental payment for this “lease” was zero. As a result, Britain occupied the entire area that is now known as Hong Kong.
These three unequal treaties were imposed on China through British aggression. They were never recognized as valid by the Chinese people or by any Chinese government after the Revolution of 1911.

(一)英国对香港实行典型的殖民统治
1. Britain Exercised a Typical Colonial Rule over Hong Kong

英国直接委任总督代表英国管治香港,从未征询港人意见。总督只向英国负责,完全听命于英国政府,被授予在香港至高无上的权力和特权,不受当地任何制约,“领其辖内一切事宜”,总揽行政、立法大权于一身,拥有对政府高级官员和法官的任免权,并兼任驻港英军总司令。行政局和立法局只是总督决策和立法的咨询机构,其成员经英国政府批准后由总督委任,对总督负责。总督既是行政局主席,也是立法局主席。直至1993年2月,总督才不再兼任立法局主席。一直到回归以前,香港终审权和法律的最终解释权都由英国枢密院司法委员会行使。
A governor was appointed to rule on behalf of Britain without the people of Hong Kong ever being consulted. He was answerable only to the British government and was entirely at its command. His paramount powers and prerogatives in Hong Kong were free of any checks and balances, and he took charge of “all things that belong to his said office”. He assumed all executive and legislative powers, and had the power to appoint and remove all senior government officials and judges. He also served as commander-in-chief of the British forces in Hong Kong.
The Executive Council and the Legislative Council, whose members were appointed by the governor with the approval of the British government and who answered to the governor, were merely advisory bodies on decision-making and lawmaking for the governor. The governor was president of both bodies. It was not until February 1993 that the governor no longer served concurrently as president of the Legislative Council.
Before Hong Kong’s return to China, the Judicial Committee of the British Privy Council exercised the power of final adjudication and the power of final interpretation of all laws in Hong Kong.

 

港英当局长期实行高压政策,严密管控新闻出版,钳制言论自由。1952年3月,《大公报》因转载《人民日报》关于港英当局暴行的短评,被判刊载煽动性文字罪,受到罚款停刊的严厉处罚。1967年8月,三家报纸因刊登呼吁香港同胞反抗镇压的文章,被港英当局以刊发欺诈性、煽动性文章为由封禁6个月,报社所有者和印刷商被判入狱三年。港英当局实行特务统治,利用英军情报机构、警务处政治部对华人进行监视,对心向祖国、与中国内地联系紧密的社会团体和民众,采取各种手段打击压制。
The British colonial government maintained a repressive rule in Hong Kong, tightly controlling the press and restricting freedom of speech.
In March 1952, Ta Kung Pao reprinted a commentary by the People’s Daily on brutalities committed by the British Hong Kong authorities. The paper was convicted of publishing seditious content. A heavy fine was imposed on it, and it was banned from publication.
In August 1967, three newspapers published articles calling on the Hong Kong people to resist oppression. They were ordered to suspend publication for six months, accused of publishing fraudulent and seditious articles, and the newspapers’ owners and printers were sentenced to three years’ imprisonment.

 

港英当局对华人实行种族歧视,实施严刑峻法,长期使用笞刑、绞刑等酷刑;实行“华洋分治”,长期对华人实施宵禁,要求华人晚上外出须持警司签发的夜晚通行证,违者处以罚款、拘役、鞭笞、戴枷示众,甚至可被当场击毙;除举行宗教仪式和逢年过节外,华人未经批准不得举行公众集会;规定若干主要地段只可建设欧式房屋,禁止华人迁入;长期禁止华人进入某些场所,不准华人与英国人共用一些公共设施。在司法裁判中,华人备遭歧视,同罪不同罚,常被重判重罚。港英当局禁止爱国师生悬挂中国国旗、唱中国国歌,强行关闭爱国学校,解散爱国团体,递解爱国人士出境,武力镇压抗议活动,拘捕爱国群众,枪杀示威工人,制造白色恐怖。
Local Chinese residents were subjected to surveillance by British Military Intelligence and the Special Branch of the Hong Kong Police Force. Patriotic social organizations and residents who had close ties with China’s mainland were brutally suppressed.
The British Hong Kong authorities practiced racial discrimination against local Chinese, and imposed harsh laws and severe punishments on them.
Over many years, local Chinese were subjected to inhumane punishments such as flogging and hanging. The authorities practiced separate rule over Chinese and Westerners and imposed curfews on the local Chinese. A Chinese person had to hold a pass issued by the police superintendent when going out at night; violators could be punished by fine, detention, flogging, wearing a cangue in public, and even summary execution.
The local Chinese were not allowed to hold public gatherings without approval, with the exception of religious ceremonies and during holidays.
Only European-style buildings could be built in some downtown areas, and the local Chinese were prohibited from living there.
The local Chinese were long barred from entering some premises and sharing certain public facilities with the British.
In judicial proceedings, the Chinese suffered discrimination and were subjected to different penalties from Westerners for the same offense, and the penalties were often severe.
The authorities prohibited patriotic teachers and students from flying the Chinese national flag and singing the Chinese anthem in schools. Patriotic schools were closed down, patriotic organizations were dissolved, patriotic individuals were deported, protests were brutally suppressed, and patriots were arrested. Workers who staged demonstrations were shot at and some were killed.

 

华人长期被排斥在港英当局管治架构之外,不能参政议政。1880年才有第一位华人被委任为立法局非官守议员,1926年才有第一位华人被委任为行政局非官守议员,1948年才有第一位华人担任政务官,1957年才有第一位华人担任警司,1989年才有第一位华人担任警务处处长,而律政司一直到1997年香港政权交接前最后时刻仍由英国人掌控。
Local Chinese were long excluded from governance bodies and were denied participation in Hong Kong’s governance.
It was not until 1880 that a Chinese was appointed a non-official member of the Legislative Council.
It was not until 1926 that a Chinese was appointed a non-official member of the Executive Council.
It was not until 1948 that a Chinese held the post of administrative officer.
It was not until 1957 that a Chinese became a police superintendent.
It was not until 1989 that a Chinese served as the commissioner of police.
The post of attorney general was held by a Briton right up until Hong Kong’s return to China.

 

(二)英国政府屡次禁止在香港进行民主改革
2. The British Government Repeatedly Rejected All Calls for Democratic Reform in Hong Kong

面对香港社会不断提出的民主诉求,英国政府一概予以拒绝或者置之不理。在很长一段时期,香港社会不断有人提出设立市议会,或者改组立法局、在立法局设立民选议席,还有要求实行地方自治等,均被英国政府拒绝。第二次世界大战后,在国际殖民体系迅速瓦解、民主运动风起云涌的情况下,1946年时任总督迫于社会压力向英国政府建议设立民选市议会、改革地方行政,英国政府仍然拒绝接受。1976年5月20日,英国政府在批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》时,通过提出保留的方式,明确排除公约关于定期选举的规定在香港适用。可见,英国殖民统治者不会允许在其统治香港的时候出现民主的元素。
People in Hong Kong made numerous demands for democracy, but the British government rejected or ignored all of them. For example:
Over a prolonged period in Hong Kong, there were repeated calls to establish a municipal council, provide elected seats in the Legislative Council, and restructure the Legislative Council, as well as requests for local autonomy. All were rejected by the British government.
After World War II, the international colonial system collapsed and democratic movements surged across the world. In 1946, under pressure from the Hong Kong people, the then governor Mark Aitchison Young made proposals to the British government to establish an elected municipal council and reform local governance, which, however, were refused.
On May 20, 1976, the British government ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Many of the rights were denied to Hong Kong and other dependencies. Article 25 (b) of the covenant provides the right “to vote and be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot…” However, by means of a specific reservation, the British government explicitly excluded “the establishment of an elected Executive or Legislative Council in Hong Kong”.
It can be seen from all this that under their rule, the British colonial authorities suppressed any democratic elements in Hong Kong.

 

(三)英国在殖民统治末期急速推进“政制改革”别有用心
3. The Sudden Interest of the British Government in “Electoral Reform” at the End of the Colonial Rule Revealed Its Ulterior Motives

1979年3月,时任香港总督访京了解到中国政府将收回香港的坚定立场。英国政府于是立即改变其过往在香港发展民主问题上的反对态度,迅速着手布局“政制改革”,大幅引入和扩大选举,在很短时间内区议会和立法局议席均从全部委任骤变为大部分由选举产生。特别是1992年10月,末任总督刚上任就违反《中华人民共和国政府和大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国政府关于香港问题的联合声明》(《中英联合声明》)、违反与《中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法》(基本法)相衔接的原则、违反中英双方已经达成的协议和谅解,抛出所谓的“政改方案”,并不顾中方坚决反对,强行实施。
In March 1979, the then Hong Kong Governor Murray MacLehose
paid a visit to Beijing and was left in no doubt about the Chinese government’s determination to recover Hong Kong. The British government then suddenly reversed its previous opposition to democratic reform in Hong Kong, and started a major program to introduce and expand electoral processes. Within a very short period, the Hong Kong district councils and the Legislative Council switched from having all their seats appointed to having most of their seats elected. In particular, in October 1992, soon after he took office, Chris Patten, the last Governor, presented a proposal for electoral reform which violated the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong (Sino-British Joint Declaration), violated the principle of aligning Hong Kong’s future political system with the Basic Law, and violated previous agreements and understandings reached between the two sides. Known as the “Three Violations”, these were imposed in Hong Kong in the face of strong opposition from China.

 

英国自身在确立议会制政体后,其选举制度经历数百年漫长的演进和变迁过程。然而,在其殖民统治香港的最后阶段如此急切地加速推进“政制改革”,完全是别有用心的政治操弄。作为所谓“光荣撤退”部署的一部分,英国政府以打造英式代议制为幌子,企图把香港变成独立或半独立的政治实体,阻碍中国对香港恢复行使主权并实行有效管治,延续英国对香港回归后的政治影响。
After the establishment of the parliamentary system, the electoral system of the UK experienced hundreds of years of evolution, but the British government rushed through electoral reform in Hong Kong in the very short remaining period of the colonial rule. Its ulterior motives were obvious. In fact, this was part of a British attempt to portray their withdrawal as somehow “honorable” under a veneer of “British-style representative democracy”. The intention was to undermine China’s sovereignty and full governance and extend British political influence after Hong Kong’s return to China, by turning Hong Kong into a de facto independent or semi-independent political entity.

英国殖民统治的罪恶及其屡次拒绝在香港发展民主的事实,无论怎样掩饰也改变不了。英国殖民统治不但没有给香港带来任何真正的民主,反而为香港回归祖国后民主的发展埋下了祸根。
The vicious nature of British colonial rule and the British government’s repeated refusal to develop democracy in Hong Kong cannot be concealed or changed. The colonial rule did not bring any genuine democracy to Hong Kong; instead, it laid hidden snares for the development of democracy in Hong Kong after its return to China.

二、回归祖国开启了香港民主的新纪元
II. The Return of Hong Kong to China Ushered in a New Era for Democracy

二十世纪七十年代末八十年代初,中国政府决定收回香港,恢复对香港行使主权,实行“一国两制”、“港人治港”、高度自治的方针,由此擘画了香港回归后民主发展的蓝图,开启了“一国两制”下香港民主的新纪元。
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Chinese government decided to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong, and announced the policy of One Country, Two Systems, under which Hong Kong would be governed by the people of Hong Kong, exercising a high degree of autonomy. A blueprint for developing democracy in post-1997 Hong Kong was drawn up.

(一)中国的国体政体决定了香港回归后必然实行民主
1. China’s State and Political Systems Determined that Hong Kong Would Establish a System of Democracy After Its Return to
China

中国宪法规定,国家的一切权力属于人民,人民行使国家权力的机关是全国人民代表大会和地方各级人民代表大会。全国人民代表大会和地方各级人民代表大会都由民主选举产生,对人民负责,受人民监督。中央和地方各级行政、监察、审判、检察机关都由人民代表大会产生,对其负责,受其监督,充分体现民主原则。根据“一国两制”方针,香港特别行政区作为直辖于中央人民政府的地方行政区域,其政权的组织与运行必然同样遵循民主原则,实行民主制度;同时,香港特别行政区可以根据实际情况建设具有自身特色的民主制度。
It is stipulated in China’s Constitution that all power in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) belongs to the people. The organs through which the people exercise state power are the National People’s Congress (NPC) and the local people’s congresses at all levels. The NPC and the local people’s congresses are established through democratic election and are accountable to the people and subject to their oversight. All national and local administrative, supervisory, adjudicatory and prosecuting organs are created by the people’s congresses and are answerable to them and subject to their oversight, in full accordance with the principles of democracy. According to the policy of One Country, Two Systems, Hong Kong is a special administrative region directly under the Central People’s Government. In common with all other parts of China, its government is organized on the basis of democratic principles, as are its functions. At the same time, Hong Kong can develop democracy with its own characteristics in light of its actual conditions.

二十世纪八十年代初,中国共产党和中国政府根据香港的实际情况,形成了解决香港问题的十二条基本方针政策(注1),系统规划了香港回归后的政治、经济、社会、文化、对外事务等各方面的政策和制度框架,成为“一国两制”方针的核心内容。其中第四条明确香港回归后“特别行政区政府由当地人组成。主要官员在当地通过选举或协商产生,由中央人民政府委任”。这包含了对香港特别行政区成立后的民主安排。实行“港人治港”、主要官员在当地通过选举或协商产生,这是在英国殖民统治下根本不可能做到的。
In the early 1980s, the CPC and the Chinese government laid down
12 basic policies on the future status of Hong Kong, known as the 12 Policies.1 These 12 Policies set out an overall policy and institutional framework for Hong Kong after its return to China, covering political, economic, social and cultural issues, external affairs and other fields. They constitute the core elements of the One Country, Two Systems policy. The fourth basic policy stated that the government of the HKSAR would be composed of local inhabitants, and that principal officials would be selected by election or through consultations held locally and be appointed by the Central People’s Government. It thus outlined steps for establishing a system of democracy in post-1997 Hong Kong. This measure – ensuring that Hong Kong is governed by the people of Hong Kong and that the principal officials are elected or selected by means of consultation – was never considered under British colonial rule.

 

(二)中国政府坚定维护在香港特别行政区发展民主的既定立场
2. The Chinese Government Remains Committed to Developing Democracy in the HKSAR

1984年12月19日,中英两国政府在北京签署《中英联合声明》,其核心内容是确认中国政府1997年7月1日对香港恢复行使主权、英国政府同日将香港交还给中国,并对过渡期作出安排。该声明旨在解决英国把香港交还给中国的问题,而非解决香港回归中国后实行什么政治体制包括选举制度的问题。其中第三条第四项申明“香港特别行政区政府由当地人组成。行政长官在当地通过选举或协商产生,由中央人民政府任命”,附件一明确“香港特别行政区政府和立法机关由当地人组成”“香港特别行政区立法机关由选举产生”,这两处表述是《中英联合声明》涉及香港选举问题的全部内容,根本没有“普选”“民主”的字眼。
On December 19, 1984, the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in Beijing. The document specified that the government of the People’s Republic of China would resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong with effect from July 1, 1997 and that the government of the United Kingdom would restore Hong Kong to the PRC with effect from July 1, 1997. The document also outlines the steps to be taken during the transitional period before Hong Kong’s return to China. The purpose was not to determine what political system would be implemented in Hong Kong after the handover, and certainly not to define the precise nature of the electoral system.
Paragraph 4 of Article 3 of the Sino-British Joint Declaration reads: “The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be composed of local inhabitants. The Chief Executive will be appointed by the Central People’s Government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally.”
Annex I to the Sino-British Joint Declaration further specifies that
“the government and legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be composed of local inhabitants” and that “the legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by elections.”
These are the sole provisions of the Sino-British Joint Declaration concerning elections in Hong Kong. No mention is made of universal suffrage or democracy.

 

香港回归后实行什么样的政治体制包括选举制度完全是中国内政。中国政府在制定基本法的过程中,从国家全局和香港长远发展着眼,主动规定了香港特别行政区最终实现行政长官和立法会全部议员由普选产生的目标。那种声称“双普选”是英国为香港争取来的说法,完全违背历史事实。至于所谓中国政府“违反”《中英联合声明》的说法,不仅罔顾事实,更是对中国的污蔑抹黑。相反,英方在《中英联合声明》签署后,单方面改变对华政策,处心积虑策划和实施了一连串违反声明精神和中英双方有关协议、共识的行动,包括“两局共识”“居英权计划”“人权法案”“政改方案”以及大规模修改香港原有法律等等。2020年7月以来,英方出台关于香港居民申领英国国民(海外)(BNO)签证的新政策,推出所谓BNO合资格者移民英国的新路径,再次公然违反《中英联合声明》的原则精神和两国有关谅解共识。
It is for China to decide what political and electoral systems will be adopted in Hong Kong after its return. During the formulation of the Basic Law, keeping in mind the national interests and the long-term development of Hong Kong, the Chinese government set as the ultimate goal that the Chief Executive of the HKSAR will be selected and the legislature constituted by universal suffrage. The assertion that “the UK secured universal suffrage for Hong Kong” has no factual basis.
The allegations that China has violated the Sino-British Joint Declaration are baseless. In reality, the British government unilaterally altered its policy towards China after the declaration was signed. It made massive changes to Hong Kong laws prior to the return, and since the return it has continued to interfere, with actions that contravene the Sino-British Joint Declaration and other agreements between China and the UK.
Prior to the return, these included creating a proposal for political reform (the OMELCO Consensus), implementing the British Nationality Selection Scheme, announcing an electoral reform package for 1994/1995, and enacting the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance.
In July 2020, the British government issued a new policy for Hong Kong residents to apply for a British National (Overseas) visa as a means for them to emigrate to the UK. The policy was another flagrant violation of the principles set in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and relevant agreements between China and the UK.

 

香港回归后,中国政府治理香港的宪制法律依据是中国宪法和香港基本法。英国对回归后的香港无主权、无治权、无监督权,无权对香港事务进行任何形式的干预。那些打着“民主”的幌子,以所谓“监督”《中英联合声明》实施为借口,动辄通过本国立法和单边制裁干涉中国香港事务的行径,既是对国际法和国际关系准则的肆意践踏,也是对“一国两制”成功实践事实的蓄意歪曲,更是对香港民主发展的粗暴干扰和破坏。
Since Hong Kong’s return to China, China’s Constitution and the Basic Law of the HKSAR have been the foundations underpinning the Chinese government’s governance of the region. The UK has no sovereignty, power of administration, or right of supervision over post-1997 Hong Kong, nor does it have the right to intervene in Hong Kong affairs in any form. Legislative interventions and imposition of sanctions, in the guise of “democracy” and on the pretext of overseeing the implementation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, flout international law and international rules, disrupt the successful practice of One Country, Two Systems, and interfere with and undermine the development of democracy in Hong Kong.

(三)宪法和基本法全面构建了香港特别行政区的民主制度
3. The Constitution and the Basic Law Established the System of Democracy in the HKSAR

——宪法和基本法赋予中央政府建立和发展香港特别行政区民主制度的宪制权力和责任。宪法第三十一条规定:“国家在必要时得设立特别行政区。在特别行政区内实行的制度按照具体情况由全国人民代表大会以法律规定。”1985年4月10日,全国人民代表大会决定成立香港特别行政区基本法起草委员会。7月1日,由59名内地和香港各界代表性人士组成的基本法起草委员会正式成立并开始工作。在香港社会各界人士的共同参与下,该委员会历时四年零八个月完成了基本法的起草工作。1990年4月4日,第七届全国人民代表大会第三次会议通过基本法,以国家基本法律的形式将中央政府对香港的基本方针政策制度化、法律化,为香港特别行政区民主制度的建立和发展提供了宪制性法律依据,也明确了中央政府主导和决定香港特别行政区民主发展的宪制责任。
– The Constitution and the Basic Law accord the constitutional powers and duties to the central government to establish and develop democracy in the HKSAR
It is stipulated in Article 31 of China’s Constitution that “The state may establish special administrative regions when necessary. The systems instituted in special administrative regions shall, in light of specific circumstances, be prescribed by laws enacted by the National People’s Congress.”
The NPC decided to set up a drafting committee for the HKSAR Basic Law on April 10, 1985. On July 1, the drafting committee, consisting of 59 mainland and Hong Kong members, was formally established. Representatives from various sectors of Hong Kong society were involved in drafting the Basic Law, a process lasting four years and eight months.
The Basic Law was adopted at the Third Session of the Seventh NPC on April 4, 1990. It codifies the central government’s basic policies towards Hong Kong in the form of a national law and specifies related institutional steps. The Basic Law provides the constitutional basis for establishing and developing democracy in Hong Kong. It also accords the central government constitutional powers and duties to direct and make decisions on the development of democracy in the HKSAR.

 

宪法和基本法共同构成香港特别行政区的宪制基础,赋予中央对香港特别行政区的全面管治权,既包括中央直接行使的权力,也包括授权香港特别行政区依法实行高度自治以及对特别行政区高度自治的监督权。中央直接行使的权力包括设立特别行政区、决定特别行政区实行的制度、组建特别行政区政权机构、管理与特别行政区有关的外交事务、管理特别行政区的防务、任命行政长官和主要官员、对特别行政区立法的备案审查、修改和解释基本法等方面的宪制权力。其中就包括决定香港特别行政区实行什么样民主制度的权力。
The Constitution and the Basic Law together create the constitutional foundations underpinning the HKSAR. They grant the central authorities overall jurisdiction over the region, detail the powers directly exercised by the central authorities, empower the HKSAR to exercise a high degree of autonomy, and confirm the central authorities’ right to supervise the exercise of this autonomy. The direct powers of the central authorities are to establish the HKSAR, decide on its systems, organize its government, manage foreign affairs and defense affairs related to the HKSAR, appoint the Chief Executive and principal officials, archive and review legislation of the HKSAR, and amend and interpret the Basic Law. The central authorities also exercise the power to decide on the system of democracy in the region.

——基本法规定了香港特别行政区民主制度的主要内容及未来发展的路径和原则。基本法第四十五条和第六十八条规定了香港特别行政区民主制度的核心内容及其发展所必须遵循的原则。基本法原附件一和附件二分别规定了香港回归后前十年行政长官和立法会产生的具体办法,以及2007年以后对行政长官和立法会产生办法的修改程序。1990年4月4日与基本法同时通过的《全国人民代表大会关于香港特别行政区第一届政府和立法会产生办法的决定》,对香港特别行政区第一届政府和立法会的产生办法作出了具体规定。香港特别行政区实行以行政长官为核心的行政主导体制,行政机关和立法机关既互相制衡又互相配合,司法机关独立行使审判权。基本法起草委员会在《关于〈中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法(草案)〉及其有关文件的说明》中指出,香港特别行政区的政治体制,要符合“一国两制”的原则,要从香港的法律地位和实际情况出发,以保障香港的繁荣稳定为目的。为此,必须兼顾社会各阶层的利益,有利于资本主义经济的发展;既保持原政治体制中行之有效的部分,又要循序渐进地逐步发展适合香港情况的民主制度。这进一步阐释了香港特别行政区民主发展所应当遵循的原则。
– The Basic Law provides the core components of democracy in the HKSAR and the pathway and principles for its future development
Article 45 and Article 68 of the Basic Law provide the core components of democracy in Hong Kong and the principles for implementation. The original versions of Annex I and Annex II of the Basic Law laid out the methods for selecting the Chief Executive and for forming the Legislative Council in the first decade after Hong Kong’s return to China, as well as the processes for amending these methods after 2007. The Decision of the National People’s Congress on the Method for the Formation of the First Government and the First Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was adopted on April 4, 1990 together with the Basic Law, specifying the method to be used.
Hong Kong practices an executive-led system with the Chief Executive at its core. Under this system, there are checks and balances and coordination between the executive and legislative branches, and the judiciary exercises its power independently. In the Explanations on the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (Draft) and Its Related Documents, the Drafting Committee for the Basic Law underlined that to ensure the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, the political system should conform to the principle of One Country, Two Systems and respect the legal status and realities of the region. It should accommodate the interests of all sectors of Hong Kong society and facilitate Hong Kong’s economic growth under capitalism. The best practices of Hong Kong’s previous political system should be maintained, together with an orderly and phased development of democracy. These are the principles for developing democracy in the region.

 

基本法第四十五条第二款规定,行政长官的产生办法根据香港特别行政区的实际情况和循序渐进的原则而规定,最终达至由一个有广泛代表性的提名委员会按民主程序提名后普选产生的目标;第六十八条第二款规定,立法会的产生办法根据香港特别行政区的实际情况和循序渐进的原则而规定,最终达至全部议员由普选产生的目标。这为香港特别行政区民主发展指明了“双普选”的方向。
Paragraph 2 of Article 45 of the Basic Law provides:
“The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in the light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” Paragraph 2 of Article 68 provides:
“The method for forming the Legislative Council shall be specified in the light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the election of all the members of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage.”
This sets dual universal suffrage as the ultimate goal in developing democracy in Hong Kong.

 

——基本法贯彻了以爱国者为主体的“港人治港”原则。基本法第二条规定,全国人大授权香港特别行政区依照基本法的规定实行高度自治,享有行政管理权、立法权、独立的司法权和终审权。第三条规定,香港特别行政区的行政机关和立法机关由香港永久性居民依照基本法有关规定组成。第一百零四条规定,香港特别行政区行政长官、主要官员、行政会议成员、立法会议员、各级法院法官和其他司法人员在就职时必须依法宣誓拥护中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法,效忠中华人民共和国香港特别行政区。这些规定体现了邓小平同志强调的“相信香港的中国人能够治理好香港”“必须由以爱国者为主体的港人来治理香港”的精神,明确了“港人治港”的界线和标准。实行“一国两制”下的“港人治港”、高度自治,由爱国的香港人治理香港,这是香港最大的民主。
– The Basic Law embodies the principle of Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong, with patriots at the core
Article 2 of the Basic Law provides:
“The National People’s Congress authorizes the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to exercise a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication, in accordance with the provisions of this Law.”
Article 3 continues:
“The executive authorities and legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be composed of permanent residents of Hong Kong in accordance with the relevant provisions of this Law.”
Article 104 provides:
“When assuming office, the Chief Executive, principal officials, members of the Executive Council and of the Legislative Council, judges of the courts at all levels and other members of the judiciary in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region must, in accordance with law, swear to uphold the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China and swear allegiance to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.”
These provisions of the Basic Law encapsulate the principle of Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong, as expressed in the words of former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping: “We are confident that our fellow Chinese in Hong Kong can govern Hong Kong well… Hong Kong must be governed by the people of Hong Kong, with patriots at the core.” These statements set the parameters for Hong Kong’s governance under the policy of One Country, Two Systems, which underpin full democracy in Hong Kong.

 

——基本法赋予了香港居民广泛的民主权利和自由。根据基本法,香港特别行政区永久性居民依法享有选举权和被选举权;香港居民享有言论、新闻、出版、结社、集会、游行、示威的自由,以及基本法和香港特别行政区法律保障的其他权利和自由;《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》《经济、社会与文化权利的国际公约》和国际劳工公约适用于香港的有关规定继续有效,通过香港特别行政区的法律予以实施。基本法还规定,香港特别行政区居民中的中国公民依法参与国家事务的管理。非中国籍的香港特别行政区永久性居民也依法享有广泛的政治权利,包括选举权和被选举权。这种民主开放程度世所罕见。
– The Basic Law grants extensive democratic rights and freedoms to Hong Kong residents
Under the Basic Law, permanent residents of the HKSAR have the right to vote and the right to stand for election in accordance with the law, and Hong Kong residents have freedom of speech, freedom of the press and publication, freedom of association, assembly, procession and demonstration, and other rights and freedoms provided for under the Basic Law and the laws of the HKSAR. The provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and international labor conventions as applicable to Hong Kong remain in force and shall be implemented through the laws of Hong Kong.
In addition, the Basic Law stipulates that Chinese citizens who are HKSAR residents are entitled to participate in the management of state affairs in accordance with the law. Furthermore, permanent residents of the HKSAR who are not of Chinese nationality also enjoy extensive political rights, including the right to vote and the right to stand for election. By any standard, Hong Kong’s system of democracy is highly open and inclusive.

 

(四)中国政府排除干扰组建香港特别行政区政权机构
4. The Chinese Government Put an End to Interference and Established the Governance Structure for the HKSAR

——争取实现立法机关“直通车”安排。为实现香港平稳过渡和政权顺利交接,使香港特别行政区民主制度在回归之时就能有效运作,中国政府经与英国政府协商,对香港特别行政区第一届立法会的产生办法作出了特殊安排:原香港最后一届立法局议员,如符合全国人大有关决定和基本法的规定,经确认可成为香港特别行政区第一届立法会议员。这就是“直通车”安排。但是,港英当局1992年10月单方面抛出关于1994/1995年选举安排的“三违反”“政改方案”。中国政府坚决反对,并以最大的诚意和耐心与英国政府就有关选举安排进行了17轮谈判。英方一意孤行、蓄意对抗,谈判最终破裂,“直通车”安排未能实现。需要指出的是,中国政府对港英当局管治末期所作的单方面“政改方案”并不是简单推倒,而是根据香港的实际情况和循序渐进发展香港民主的原则,作了实事求是的处理,顺应了香港居民合理的民主愿望。这再次说明中国政府对香港民主的发展从来都秉持积极态度,反对的是英方背信弃义、包藏祸心的行径。
– Striving to secure the “Through Train” arrangement
In order to achieve a smooth transition and transfer of government in Hong Kong, and ensure the effective functioning of the democratic system of the region following the transition, the Chinese government, in consultation with the British government, made a special arrangement for the First Legislative Council of the HKSAR: As long as they met the requirements of the relevant decisions of the NPC and provisions of the Basic Law, members of the final Legislative Council under British rule would be confirmed as members of the First Legislative Council of the HKSAR. This was known as the “Through Train” arrangement.
In October 1992, however, the British Hong Kong authorities unilaterally introduced electoral reform which violated the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the principle of alignment with the Basic Law, and the agreements and understandings reached between the two sides. This was known as the “Three Violations”.
The Chinese government expressed its firm opposition to this measure. Notwithstanding, with utmost sincerity and patience, it conducted 17 rounds of talks with the British government on electoral arrangements. However, due to intransigence and deliberate confrontation on the British side, the negotiations eventually broke down.
It should be made clear that the Chinese government did not simply overturn the British electoral reform. Instead it adopted a pragmatic approach that took into account the realities in Hong Kong and the principle of developing its democracy in a gradual and orderly manner – an approach that responded to the people’s reasonable wishes for democracy. Once again, this demonstrates that the Chinese government was committed to democracy in Hong Kong. What it opposed was arbitrary and duplicitous actions by the British side.

 

——组建香港特别行政区第一届政府和临时立法会。根据1990年4月4日全国人大的相关决定,全国人大香港特别行政区筹备委员会于1996年10月5日通过《香港特别行政区第一任行政长官人选的产生办法》,11月2日组建香港特别行政区第一届政府推选委员会。推选委员会由400名香港永久性居民组成,来自不同阶层、界别和方面,具有广泛代表性。1996年12月11日,推选委员会全部委员出席香港特别行政区第一任行政长官的选举,投下自己神圣的选票,选出了香港特别行政区第一任行政长官人选,并于12月16日获得中央人民政府任命。这是香港历史上第一次由港人自己选举产生本地首长,也是第一次由本地中国公民担任这一重要职务。
– Establishing the First Government and the Provisional Legislative Council of the HKSAR
In accordance with the Decision of the National People’s Congress on the Method for the Formation of the First Government and the First Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, adopted on April 4, 1990, the HKSAR Preparatory Committee of the NPC passed the Method for the Selection of the First Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region on October 5, 1996, and established the Selection Committee of the First Government of the HKSAR on November 2. The broadly representative Selection Committee consisted of 400 permanent residents from various social groups, sectors and backgrounds in Hong Kong.
On December 11, 1996, all 400 members of the Selection Committee cast their votes and elected the First-term Chief Executive of the HKSAR. On December 16 the central government appointed the First-term Chief Executive of the HKSAR. This was the first time in history that the head of Hong Kong had been elected by its people, and it was the first time that a local Chinese citizen had assumed this significant role.

 

在“直通车”安排被英国政府单方面破坏后,为了避免香港特别行政区成立之时出现立法机关空缺的局面,1996年3月24日,全国人大香港特别行政区筹备委员会通过《关于设立香港特别行政区临时立法会的决定》,规定临时立法会于第一任行政长官产生之后组成并开始工作,至香港特别行政区第一届立法会产生为止。1996年10月5日,全国人大香港特别行政区筹备委员会通过《中华人民共和国香港特别行政区临时立法会的产生办法》。1996年12月21日,推选委员会从130名候选人中选举产生60名临时立法会议员。
After the “Through Train” was derailed, the HKSAR Preparatory Committee of the NPC had to avoid a vacuum in its legislature once the HKSAR was established. It therefore passed a decision on March 24, 1996 to establish a Provisional Legislative Council. The decision mandated the formation and the functions of the Provisional Legislative Council after the election of the First-term Chief Executive, until the First Legislative Council was formed.
On October 5, 1996, the Preparatory Committee adopted the method for forming this body. On December 21, the Selection Committee elected 60 members from a total of 130 candidates to form the Provisional Legislative Council.

 

1997年7月1日,中国政府对香港恢复行使主权,结束了英国对香港一个半世纪的殖民统治,香港同胞从此成为祖国这块土地上真正的主人。香港特别行政区成立,香港特别行政区第一任行政长官和第一届政府宣誓就职,标志着国家根据“一国两制”方针为香港特别行政区建立的民主制度开始全面运行。香港民主发展的历史由此写下崭新而光辉的一页!
On July 1, 1997, the Chinese government resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong, ending more than 150 years of British colonial rule. Our compatriots in Hong Kong have since then truly held their future in their own hands. With the founding of the HKSAR and the inauguration of its First-term Chief Executive and First Government, the system of democracy set up by the state in the HKSAR became fully operational under the framework of One Country, Two Systems. This was a landmark event in the history of democracy in Hong Kong.

事实充分说明,中国共产党和中国政府是香港特别行政区民主制度的设计者、创立者、维护者和推进者。中国共产党和中国政府不仅创造性地提出了“一国两制”伟大构想,构建了“一国两制”制度体系,而且创造性地建立了符合“一国两制”方针和香港实际情况的民主制度,制定了保障、规范香港特别行政区民主制度的有关法律,开启了史无前例的“港人治港”实践。没有国家对香港恢复行使主权,没有中国共产党和中国政府对香港民众福祉的深切关怀,没有中国共产党和中国政府对“一国两制”初心使命的坚守,就没有香港民主制度的建立,也就没有香港民主的实践。
There is no question that the CPC and the Chinese government designed, created, safeguarded and advanced Hong Kong’s system of democracy. They conceived the principle of One Country, Two Systems, put in place its institutional framework, built a creative democratic system aligned with the principle, and passed laws to ensure the functioning of democracy in Hong Kong. Thus began an unprecedented endeavor – the governance of Hong Kong by the people of Hong Kong. The establishment of democratic institutions and the exercise of democracy in Hong Kong would not have been possible had China not resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong. It would not have been possible without the deep concern of the CPC and the Chinese government for the people of Hong Kong, and without their commitment to the principle of One Country, Two Systems.

三、中央政府坚定支持香港特别行政区民主向前发展
III. The Central Government Is Committed to Developing Democracy in Hong Kong

香港回归祖国后纳入国家治理体系,中央政府坚决贯彻落实“一国两制”方针和基本法,支持香港特别行政区依法有序发展民主。
Since Hong Kong’s reintegration into China’s national governance system, the central government has remained committed to the policy of One Country, Two Systems and to the Basic Law of the HKSAR, fully supporting the orderly development of democracy in Hong Kong in accordance with the law.

按照基本法原附件一和附件二的规定,香港特别行政区2002年选举产生了第二任行政长官,1998年、2000年、2004年分别选举产生了第一届、第二届、第三届立法会,民主成分不断增加,基本法规定的香港回归后前十年的选举安排得到全面落实,香港特别行政区民主得以成功实践。
In accordance with the original Annex I and Annex II of the Basic Law, the Second-term Chief Executive of the HKSAR was elected in 2002, and the first, second and third Legislative Councils of the HKSAR were formed in 1998, 2000 and 2004. With these elections, the relevant provisions of the Basic Law for the period prior to 2007 were fully implemented, representing gradual progress in advancing democracy.

2004年4月6日,全国人大常委会通过《关于〈中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法〉附件一第七条和附件二第三条的解释》(“4·6解释”),明确2007年以后如需对香港特别行政区行政长官和立法会产生办法进行修改应遵循的法定程序,为香港回归十年后上述两个产生办法进一步扩大民主成分,直至实现“双普选”,提供了操作性程序。中央政府按照这一程序为推动香港特别行政区民主向前发展作出三次重大努力。
On April 6, 2004, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Interpretation of Article 7 of Annex I and Article III of Annex II to the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (April 6 Interpretation), laying out the statutory procedures that must be followed in amending the methods for selecting the Chief Executive and for forming the Legislative Council of the HKSAR (Two Methods). The April 6 Interpretation established procedures for making the Two Methods more democratic after 2007, and for eventually moving towards dual universal suffrage.
The central government has advanced the system of democracy in Hong Kong pursuant to these procedures. It has taken three significant steps.

 

(一)第一次努力:批准对行政长官和立法会产生办法作出修改
1. First Step: Giving Approval to Amend the Election Methods for the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council

根据“4·6解释”,2004年4月15日,香港特别行政区行政长官向全国人大常委会提交关于2007年行政长官和2008年立法会产生办法是否需要修改的报告,反映了多数香港居民希望增加两个产生办法民主成分的意愿,也反映了部分人要求2007年行政长官和2008年立法会全部议员由普选产生的声音。
On April 15, 2004 in accordance with the April 6 Interpretation, the Chief Executive of the HKSAR submitted to the NPC Standing Committee the Report on Whether There Is a Need to Amend the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2007 and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2008. The report conveyed both the desire of the majority of Hong Kong people to make the Two Methods more democratic, and the views held by some people in Hong Kong that the 2007 election of the Chief Executive and the 2008 election of all Legislative Council members should be conducted by universal suffrage.

全国人大常委会经征询香港各界人士的意见,于2004年4月26日作出《关于香港特别行政区2007年行政长官和2008年立法会产生办法有关问题的决定》(“4·26决定”)。该决定指出,香港实行民主选举的时间不长,香港社会各界对两个产生办法如何修改又存在较大分歧。在此情况下,实现“双普选”的条件还不具备。鉴此,2007年第三任行政长官和2008年第四届立法会选举,不实行由普选产生的办法。在此前提下可按照基本法有关规定对两个产生办法作出符合循序渐进原则的适当修改。“4·26决定”既符合香港实际情况,又为特别行政区民主发展留下空间。这是中央政府推动香港特别行政区民主发展的第一次重大努力。
After soliciting opinions from various sectors of Hong Kong, on April 26, 2004, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Decision on Issues Relating to the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2007 and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2008 (April 26 Decision).
In the decision it was pointed out that as democratic elections were new in Hong Kong, and as there were substantial differences of opinion in Hong Kong on how to amend the Two Methods, the conditions were not yet ripe in Hong Kong for electing the Chief Executive and Legislative Council by universal suffrage. Universal suffrage would therefore not be adopted in the election of the Third-term Chief Executive in 2007 or the election of all members of the Fourth Legislative Council in 2008. Appropriate amendments consistent with the April 26 Decision could therefore be made to the Two Methods in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Basic Law and the principle of making gradual and orderly progress.
The April 26 Decision created more scope for expanding democracy in Hong Kong. This was the first major step taken by the central government to advance the region’s system of democracy.

 

2005年10月19日,香港特别行政区政府根据“4·26决定”,提出了2007年行政长官及2008年立法会产生办法建议方案。该方案扩大了民主成分,得到多数居民的支持。但是,2005年12月21日,立法会中自称“民主派”的议员在表决时对特别行政区政府提出的相关议案投下反对票,致使该方案未能在立法会获得法定的全体议员三分之二多数通过。2007年第三任行政长官和2008年第四届立法会只能沿用原有办法产生。香港特别行政区成立十年后面临的民主向前发展的第一次机遇就此丧失。这完全是反中乱港势力蓄意对抗、漫天要价、竭力阻挠的结果。
Acting in accordance with the April 26 Decision, on October 19, 2005 the HKSAR government presented the Package of Proposals for the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive in 2007 and for Forming the Legislative Council in 2008. These proposals made the Two Methods more democratic, and won the support of the majority of Hong Kong people. However, they did not secure the required two-thirds majority in the Legislative Council vote on December 21, 2005, as some self-styled “democrats” on the council voted against the package.
As a result, the first opportunity to improve democracy after 2007 was lost, and the Third-term Chief Executive was selected in 2007 and the Fourth Legislative Council was formed in 2008 in accordance with the existing methods. The responsibility for this missed opportunity lies entirely with those seeking confrontation and conflict and attempting to overturn the constitutional order and destabilize Hong Kong.

 

(二)第二次努力:为实现普选目标定下时间表
2. Second Step: Setting a Timetable for Universal Suffrage

2007年香港特别行政区第三任行政长官产生后,香港社会希望尽早明确普选的时间表以及2012年第四任行政长官和第五届立法会产生办法。2007年12月12日,行政长官向全国人大常委会提交关于政制发展咨询情况及2012年行政长官和立法会产生办法是否需要修改的报告。
After the Third-term Chief Executive of the HKSAR was elected in 2007, the people of Hong Kong hoped that a timetable could be set as early as possible for universal suffrage, and that methods for electing the Fourth-term Chief Executive and for forming the Fifth Legislative Council in 2012 could be adopted.

2007年12月29日,全国人大常委会作出《关于香港特别行政区2012年行政长官和立法会产生办法及有关普选问题的决定》(“12·29决定”)。根据该决定,2012年第四任行政长官的具体产生办法和第五届立法会的具体产生办法可以作出适当修改;2017年第五任行政长官的选举可以实行由普选产生的办法;在此之后,立法会的选举可以实行全部议员由普选产生的办法。全国人大常委会同意对2012年第四任行政长官和第五届立法会的产生办法作出适当修改,特别是明确实现“双普选”的时间表,把实行普选的时间节点确定在2017年这个“五十年不变”中期的前半段,充分彰显了中央政府落实基本法关于最终达至“双普选”目标的诚意。这是中央政府推动香港特别行政区民主向前发展的第二次重大努力。
On December 12, 2007, the Chief Executive of the HKSAR submitted to the NPC Standing Committee the Report on the Public Consultation on Constitutional Development and on Whether There Is a Need to Amend the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2012.
On December 29, 2007, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Decision on Issues Relating to the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2012 and on Issues Relating to Universal Suffrage (December 29 Decision). This decision allowed that appropriate amendments could be made to the Two Methods for elections in 2012, the Fifth-term Chief Executive could be elected by universal suffrage in 2017, and after the election of the Chief Executive, all the members of the Legislative Council could also be elected by universal suffrage.
By making the December 29 Decision, the NPC Standing Committee gave approval to amend the Two Methods for the 2012 elections. In particular, the timetable for universal suffrage was set. The central government had pledged that its basic policies regarding Hong Kong would remain unchanged for 50 years from 1997. The timetable for universal suffrage to begin in 2017, which was early in the first half of the 50-year period, highlighted the commitment of the central government to realizing the goal of dual universal suffrage laid down in the Basic Law of the HKSAR. This was the second major step taken by the central government to advance the system of democracy in Hong Kong.

 

根据该决定,2010年4月14日,香港特别行政区政府公布了关于2012年行政长官及立法会产生办法建议方案,并在6月7日以议案的方式提交立法会。其重点是将行政长官选举委员会人数由800人增至1200人,立法会议席由60席增至70席。2010年6月24日及25日,立法会分别通过关于2012年行政长官和立法会产生办法的修订。2010年7月28日,行政长官同意这两个修订并报请全国人大常委会批准和备案。2010年8月28日,全国人大常委会决定予以批准和备案。2012年3月和9月,第四任行政长官和第五届立法会按照新的办法选举产生。这次对两个产生办法的修改进一步增加了民主成分,充分体现了中央政府在香港特别行政区民主发展问题上的积极态度。
On April 14, 2010, in accordance with the December 29 Decision, the HKSAR government released the Package of Proposals for the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive and for Forming the Legislative Council in 2012 and submitted it to the Legislative Council on June 7. The main features of the package are as follows: The members of the Election Committee would increase in number from 800 to 1,200, and the number of seats in the Legislative Council would expand from 60 to 70.
On June 24-25, 2010, the Legislative Council adopted the proposals to amend the methods for electing the Chief Executive and forming the Legislative Council in 2012.
On July 28, 2010, the Chief Executive gave consent to the amendments and submitted them to the NPC Standing Committee for approval and for the record.
On August 28, 2010, the NPC Standing Committee approved the amendments and placed them on the record.
In March and September 2012, the Fourth-term Chief Executive and the Fifth Legislative Council were elected by the new methods.
The amended methods further increased democracy in the Hong Kong electoral system, fully demonstrating the goodwill and readiness of the central government to support the development of democracy in Hong Kong.

 

(三)第三次努力:为实现行政长官普选绘制路线图
3. Third Step: Drawing Up a Roadmap for Electing the Chief Executive by Universal Suffrage

随着2017年临近,香港社会希望尽快明确第五任行政长官普选的具体办法。2014年7月15日,香港特别行政区行政长官向全国人大常委会提交关于2017年行政长官及2016年立法会产生办法是否需要修改的报告。
As 2017 drew near, the people of Hong Kong hoped that the method for electing the Fifth-term Chief Executive of the HKSAR by universal suffrage could be agreed as quickly as possible. On July 15, 2014, the Chief Executive of the HKSAR submitted to the NPC Standing Committee the Report on Whether There Is a Need to Amend the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2017 and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2016.

2014年8月31日,全国人大常委会经广泛征求香港各界人士的意见,作出《关于香港特别行政区行政长官普选问题和2016年立法会产生办法的决定》(“8·31决定”)。该决定根据香港的实际情况和香港多数居民的意愿,重申从2017年开始行政长官选举可以实行由普选产生的办法,明确了行政长官普选制度的若干核心要素;在行政长官普选以后,立法会选举可以实行全部议员由普选产生的办法。中央政府依法履行宪制责任,为香港特别行政区拟定行政长官普选办法指明了方向、确定了原则。这是中央政府推动香港特别行政区民主向前发展的第三次重大努力。
On August 31, 2014, after soliciting opinions from a broad sector of the Hong Kong public, the NPC Standing Committee made the Decision on Issues Relating to the Selection of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region by Universal Suffrage and on the Method for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2016 (August 31 Decision).
In view of the realities in Hong Kong and in response to the wishes of the majority of people in Hong Kong, the NPC Standing Committee reaffirmed in the August 31 Decision that from 2017 the Chief Executive of the HKSAR would be elected by universal suffrage, and it specified the key elements of the method. It was also reaffirmed that after the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage, all the members of the Legislative Council of the HKSAR would likewise be elected by universal suffrage.
This decision set out the principles and guidelines for electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage, a step taken by the central government to fulfill its constitutional responsibility. It was also the third major step taken by the central government to advance democracy in Hong Kong.

 

但是,香港所谓的“民主派”继续顽固坚持对抗思维,罔顾基本法有关规定,极力攻击“8·31决定”,拒绝接受特别行政区政府据此提出的行政长官普选方案,反而提出公然违反基本法的所谓“公民提名”方案。2014年9月28日,他们发动蓄谋已久的非法“占领中环”运动,持续长达79天,企图以所谓“公民抗命”方式逼迫中央政府收回“8·31决定”,进而实施港版“颜色革命”。在依法处置“占领中环”事件后,2015年6月18日,香港特别行政区政府将有关行政长官普选方案提交立法会表决。自称“民主派”的那些议员集体投下反对票,致使2017年实行行政长官普选的目标未能如期实现。2017年第五任行政长官不得不沿用上一任的选举办法产生。香港特别行政区民主发展再次遭遇挫折,仍然是反中乱港势力逆历史潮流而动、极力阻挠的结果。
However, clinging to a confrontational mindset and disregarding the relevant provisions of the Basic Law, the self-styled “democratic” camp in Hong Kong ferociously attacked the August 31 Decision. It rejected the method proposed by the HKSAR government on the basis of the August 31 Decision, and instead demanded “civic nomination” for the post of Chief Executive in flagrant violation of the Basic Law.
In an attempt to coerce the central government into withdrawing the August 31 Decision and incite a color revolution in Hong Kong, its followers launched the illegal Occupy Central movement on September 28, 2014, which lasted 79 days.
After taking lawful action to end the movement, on June 18, 2015 the HKSAR government submitted the motion on the method for electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage to the Legislative Council to a vote. The “democrats” on the council again voted against the motion, blocking its passage. As a result, the goal of electing the Fifth-term Chief Executive in 2017 was not realized as envisioned, and the old method was maintained. Once again democracy in Hong Kong was held back by those seeking to overturn the constitutional order and destabilize Hong Kong.

 

尽管一再遇到干扰和阻挠,中央政府支持香港特别行政区民主发展的立场从未动摇,努力从未停止。香港特别行政区成立至2017年,依法举行了四次行政长官选举和六次立法会选举,行政长官和立法会产生办法的民主成分持续增加。香港全体永久性居民依法享有的选举权和被选举权得到充分保障,永久性居民中的中国公民不仅参与香港特别行政区的治理,还依法参与国家事务的管理。根据全国人大确定的名额和代表产生办法,由香港特别行政区居民中的中国公民在香港选出36名香港特别行政区的全国人大代表,参加最高国家权力机关的工作。香港现有5600多位人士担任各级人民政治协商会议委员,其中超过200位担任全国政协委员。还有许多香港人士在中央和地方的机构、团体担任领导或顾问等职务。中央政府还支持和协助香港专业人士和优秀青年在国际组织任职,参与国际治理。任何不抱偏见的人都能看到,香港回归后,全体居民的政治参与渠道和空间大大拓展,享有的民主权利前所未有,香港特别行政区民主发展取得了全方位的重大成就。
In the face of repeated interference and disruptions, the central government has never wavered in its commitment to support Hong Kong in developing democracy and has never faltered in its efforts towards this goal.
From 1997 to 2017, four elections were held for the Chief Executive and six elections for the Legislative Council, all in accordance with the law. The methods for conducting these elections have become increasingly democratic, and the lawful rights of all permanent residents in Hong Kong to vote and stand for election are fully protected.
Chinese citizens who are permanent residents of the HKSAR can participate in the governance of both Hong Kong and the country as empowered by law. For example, in accordance with the assigned number of seats and the selection method specified by the NPC, Chinese nationals who are HKSAR residents can elect 36 deputies from Hong Kong to participate in the work of the NPC, China’s highest body of state power.
More than 5,600 representatives from all walks of life in Hong Kong serve as members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) at all levels, including over 200 in the CPPCC National Committee. Many Hong Kong people work in leadership positions or serve as advisers in the central and local governments and in social organizations.
The central government has given support and assistance to professionals and outstanding young people in Hong Kong to help them work in international organizations and thus become involved in global governance.
Any rational observer can clearly see that since Hong Kong’s return to China, its people have gained much greater access to political participation and enjoy more democratic rights than ever before. Democracy in Hong Kong is flourishing.

四、反中乱港势力阻挠破坏香港特别行政区民主发展
IV. Anti-China Agitators Undermine and Disrupt Democracy in Hong Kong

近年来,随着世界百年未有之大变局加速演进,外部敌对势力牵制、遏制中国发展的行径愈演愈烈,“一国两制”在香港实践的内外环境日趋复杂,围绕香港特别行政区民主发展的斗争更加激烈。反中乱港势力不断挑战宪法和基本法的权威,以夺取香港特别行政区管治权、实施“颜色革命”为目的,通过特别行政区选举平台和立法会、区议会等议事平台,利用有关公职人员身份,肆无忌惮挑战“一国两制”原则底线,冲击香港特别行政区宪制秩序,破坏香港法治,进行危害国家安全、损害香港繁荣稳定的各种活动,企图将香港特别行政区民主发展引入歧途,严重破坏了香港特别行政区进一步发展民主的社会环境。
Taking advantage of the profound changes that are sweeping the world, anti-China forces have ramped up their efforts. The implementation of the One Country, Two Systems policy in Hong Kong is faced with a situation of growing complexity, both internally and externally, and the struggle over the development of democracy in the region has intensified.
The instigators of disorder have been challenging the authority of the Constitution and the Basic Law, with the goal of seizing power in Hong Kong through a color revolution. Exploiting their elected positions on the Legislative Council and district councils, and otherwise abusing their capacity as holders of public office, these anti-China agitators openly challenge the One Country, Two Systems principle, the constitutional order, and the rule of law in Hong Kong. They carry out activities detrimental to China’s national security and Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability, in an attempt to derail the development of democracy in the region. This has had a serious impact on the social environment and on progress towards democracy.

 

(一)冲击宪制秩序,危害国家安全
1. Rejecting the Constitutional Order and Endangering National Security

——反中乱港势力公然挑战宪法和基本法确定的香港特别行政区宪制秩序。他们拒不承认国家宪法对香港特别行政区的效力,故意割裂宪法与基本法的关系,挑战宪法和基本法的权威。他们妄称《中英联合声明》是香港回归后新宪制的法律基础,刻意抬高英国撤离前匆忙制定的《香港人权法案条例》,企图以此架空基本法。他们以各种名目推动非法“公投”,甚至以所谓“全民制宪”为参选纲领,图谋破坏香港特别行政区的宪制秩序。
– The agitators openly challenge the HKSAR order established by the Constitution and the Basic Law
They refuse to recognize the legal authority of the Constitution over Hong Kong, attempt to sever the link between the Constitution and the Basic Law, and reject the authority of the Basic Law.
In an attempt to undermine the Basic Law, they falsely claim that the Sino-British Joint Declaration became the legal foundation of the new constitutional order of Hong Kong following its return to China, and tout the claims of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance – rushed through before the end of the British rule in Hong Kong – in the region’s legal system. They push for unlawful referendums and espouse ideas such as “the Constitution devised by the people” in election campaigns, in an attempt to overturn the constitutional order.

 

他们不惜以制造社会动乱的方式抗拒中央对香港特别行政区的全面管治权,否认中央对香港特别行政区民主发展的主导权和决定权,挑战全国人大及其常委会有关决定和解释的权威。
To obstruct the central authorities’ overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong, they have gone out of their way to create chaos. They refuse to accept the central authorities’ leadership and their right to determine the course of democracy in Hong Kong, and they refuse to recognize the authority of the relevant decisions and interpretations of the National People’s Congress and its Standing Committee.

他们公然倒挂、撕扯、踩踏、焚烧国旗,污损国徽,撕毁和焚烧基本法文本,阻挠旨在维护国家安全的本地立法,致使基本法第二十三条本地立法至今未能完成,《国歌条例》历时一年半才在立法会获得通过。
They have engaged in provocative public acts such as burning, tearing down, and stamping on the national flag. They have defaced the national emblem, and ripped and burned copies of the Basic Law. As a result of their concerted filibuster, the local legislation on national security required by Article 23 of the Basic Law has been stalled, and it took 18 months for the National Anthem Ordinance to pass through the Legislative Council.

——反中乱港势力大肆从事分裂国家、颠覆国家政权的活动。他们公然鼓吹“香港独立”“民族自决”,在香港社会各层面特别是青少年群体中传播“港独”“反中”“反共”理念,恶毒攻击中国共产党的领导和国家主体实行的社会主义制度,为在香港进行分裂国家、颠覆国家政权的活动制造理论和舆论。
– The agitators carry out defiant acts of subversion and secession
They call for referendums to separate Hong Kong from China, incite anti-China, anti-CPC and secessionist sentiment throughout Hong Kong society, especially among young people, and attack the CPC’s leading role and the socialist system practiced on the mainland. Their goal is to subvert the sense of national identity and manipulate public support in favor of their plans to undermine state power and split the country.

 

他们成立名目繁多的“港独”和激进分离组织,打着“港独”等旗号参选立法会和区议会,并在当选后利用公职人员身份继续鼓吹“港独”,从事分裂、颠覆活动。2016年10月12日,第六届立法会议员宣誓就职,有候任议员公然展示“香港不是中国”等“港独”横幅,以粗鄙话语和肢体语言疯狂侮辱国家和民族。他们在2019年“修例风波”中叫嚣“光复香港,时代革命”等口号,暴力冲击中央政府驻港机构和香港特别行政区政权机关。2019年7月1日,他们暴力攻占香港特别行政区立法会大楼,在主席台展示港英旗帜,大肆毁坏立法会设施设备,上演极其丑陋的一幕。
They have founded various radical secessionist organizations, and they run for Legislative Council and district council elections under a banner of “Hong Kong independence”. Once elected to public office, they abuse their power to promote secession and engage in separatist and subversive activities. When taking the oath of office on October 12, 2016, some members-elect of the Sixth Legislative Council displayed banners reading “Hong Kong Is Not China” and “Hong Kong Independence”.
During the 2019 turmoil, they chanted separatist slogans such as “liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times”, besieged and stormed the resident offices of the central government in Hong Kong and HKSAR government agencies, and even forced entry into the Legislative Council Complex. Inside the building they created ugly scenes, wrecking facilities and displaying the British Hong Kong flag on the podium.

 

他们无视2020年6月颁布实施的《中华人民共和国香港特别行政区维护国家安全法》(香港国安法)的规定,在香港特别行政区第七届立法会选举启动后,非法组织所谓“初选”,策划实施“真揽炒十步曲”计划(注2),妄图操控立法会选举,并在控制立法会后通过否决政府一切议案、法案的方式逼迫行政长官辞职,瘫痪政府,制造宪制危机,进而颠覆国家政权。
In defiance of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Hong Kong National Security Law) enacted in June 2020, they organized an unlawful primary after the election for the Seventh Legislative Council had begun. They have described a process that they call “Ten Steps to Actualize Mutual Destruction” and they have used it to manipulate the election for the Legislative Council. Their intention was to veto any bills and motions from the government after taking control of the Legislative Council, and subvert the government by forcing the Chief Executive to resign, paralyzing the government, and creating a constitutional crisis.

——他们与外部敌对势力勾结,甘当反华“急先锋”“马前卒”。其头面人物频频窜访外国,肆意抹黑、攻击国家,乞求外国对国家、对香港实施制裁。有人甘当外国政治代理人,宣称要“为美国而战”;有人公开发表文章,煽动要把“一国两制”下的香港变成植入中国的“屠城木马”,关键时刻打开暗门,促使中国“变天”。
– The Hong Kong agitators collude with external anti-China forces, and make themselves their willing tools
Their leading figures make frequent visits to other countries to smear and attack China and call for foreign sanctions on the mainland and Hong Kong. Some members regard themselves as political agents of other countries and pledge to fight for the US; others publish articles inciting their followers to turn Hong Kong under One Country, Two Systems into a “Trojan horse for mass killings” which could open a backdoor to “regime change” in China.

外部敌对势力充当“颜色革命”的幕后黑手,对香港事务的干预日益加剧,对中国国家安全的威胁越来越严重。他们从幕后走到台前,官方高规格接见反中乱港头面人物,为其撑腰打气;以立法、行政等方式并通过驻港机构、非政府组织等明目张胆为反中乱港分子提供保护伞、输送资金、提供培训;对中央政府和香港特别行政区官员进行粗暴“制裁”,等等。这些,充分暴露出外部敌对势力把香港作为“棋子”牵制、遏制中国发展的图谋。
External forces, who have masterminded attempts to provoke a color revolution behind the scenes, have intensified their meddling in Hong Kong affairs, posing a growing threat to China’s national security. Now stepping into public view, they hold high-profile meetings with leading agitators, openly champion their cause, and pledge their support. By legislative or administrative means and through such channels as their agencies and NGOs in Hong Kong, they have provided the Hong Kong element with cover, funds and training and imposed baseless sanctions on mainland and Hong Kong officials. Such moves expose their determination to use Hong Kong as a pawn in their attempts to toxify China and hamstring its progress.

(二)破坏法治根基,制造社会仇恨
2. Destroying the Foundations of the Rule of Law and Inciting Hatred in Society

——反中乱港势力煽动、教唆、组织、实施破坏社会秩序的违法活动。他们到处鼓吹“公民抗命”“违法达义”等谬论,煽动民众以“行为不正义”达成“目的正义”。在2014年非法“占领中环”、2016年“旺角暴乱”和2019年“修例风波”中,他们策划、组织、实施了一系列严重违法活动,一次又一次重创香港法治和社会秩序。
– Agitators in Hong Kong have instigated, abetted, organized, and engaged in illegal activities
The agitators call for civil disobedience and lawbreaking “in the interests of justice”, instigating the public to achieve unlawful ends through unlawful means. During the Occupy Central movement in 2014, the Mong Kok riot in 2016, and the 2019 turmoil, they planned, organized, and carried out a series of illegal activities, posing a serious threat to law and order in Hong Kong.

 

他们美化和煽动暴力,宣称“暴力是解决香港政治问题的选项”“留案底令人生变得更精彩”。他们教唆、煽动、裹挟青年学生从事违法活动,致使青少年学生成为非法“占领中环”和“修例风波”的主要参与群体。反中乱港势力荼毒广大青少年,伤天害理,祸害深重。
They have justified and incited violence as a means to solve Hong
Kong’s political issues, asserting that “a criminal record adds color to life”. At their instigation and under their coercion, young students became the main participants of the Occupy Central movement in 2014 and the 2019 turmoil. The agitators poison young minds, and the harm they have done to the young people of Hong Kong is unforgivable.

 

——反中乱港势力大肆进行暴力和恐怖活动。在“修例风波”中,他们肆意设障堵路,损毁交通设施,瘫痪机场运作。严重时香港铁路公司有超过90%、共计147个车站遭到损坏,作为香港交通要道的红磡海底隧道被迫关闭,作为亚太航空枢纽的香港国际机场陷入瘫痪。多项政府公共服务受阻,大中小学和幼儿园被迫长时间停课,多所大学校园被非法“占领”,众多商业场所无法营业,逾1200间店铺和多家银行的服务设施被损毁。
– The agitators are perpetrators of violence and terrorism
During the 2019 turmoil, mobs barricaded roads and damaged transport facilities, even paralyzing the airport at some points. When the situation was at its worst, 147 Mass Transit Railway stations – more than 90 percent of the total – were damaged. The Cross-Harbour Tunnel, a vital transport link, was closed. Hong Kong International Airport, a hub of Asia-Pacific aviation, was paralyzed.
Public services were obstructed. Kindergartens, elementary schools, secondary schools, and universities had to suspend operations for days, and many university campuses were illegally occupied. Shops could not open for business, and over 1,200 commercial outlets and many banks were vandalized.

 

他们对持不同意见者进行无差别攻击,极尽卑鄙之能事。有记者在机场被非法禁锢围攻虐打数小时,有路人因劝阻示威者被泼油火烧,有清洁工被砖头砸中身亡,甚至有议员的祖坟在光天化日之下遭人损毁。
The mobs attacked people who stood up to them. They beat a journalist and kept him trapped for several hours at the airport. A passer-by who tried to talk some sense into them was set on fire with gasoline. A sanitation worker was hit by a brick and killed. The graves of the parents of a Legislative Council member were dug up in broad daylight.

——反中乱港势力挑动两地对立,毒化社会环境。他们煽动港人仇恨中国共产党、仇恨国家、仇恨内地民众。他们通过诱导性民调刻意渲染身份认同问题,把“香港人”和“中国人”对立起来。他们制造和放大香港与内地民众往来中出现的个别摩擦,滋扰、侮辱、攻击内地旅客。
– The agitators have set people at odds with each other, poisoning the public sphere
They have incited hatred among local people towards the CPC, their mainland compatriots, and the country. They have manipulated polls to mislead people into questioning their identity and to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland.

 

他们恶毒攻击行政长官和政府官员,煽动反政府情绪。在“修例风波”中,他们更是将矛头指向维护秩序的警队和制止其违法活动的人士,“起底”警察和有关人士的家庭信息,霸凌诅咒警察子女。有警察被咬断手指,被铁箭刺伤,甚至被利刃割颈,种种极端、恐怖行径触目惊心,令人发指。
They have fanned the flames of minor conflicts between locals and people from the mainland, or themselves provoked such problems, in order to harass, insult and attack mainland visitors. They have stirred up anti-government sentiment through malicious verbal attacks on the Chief Executive and other officials of the HKSAR government.
During the 2019 turmoil, they turned on the police who were trying to maintain order and members of the public who were trying to prevent their unlawful activities. They illegally exposed the personal information of police officers and other officials, and bullied and verbally abused the children of police officers. One police officer had his finger bitten off, another was shot with a crossbow bolt, and yet another had his throat slit. These are shocking levels of violence.

 

(三)妨碍政府施政,拖累经济民生
3. Obstructing Governance and Dragging Down the Economy

——反中乱港势力阻挠破坏政府施政,扰乱管治秩序。他们通过在立法会频频提出不符合基本法规定的议员修正案、采取无休止点算会议人数等手法疯狂“拉布”(注3),致使许多利港利民的重大经济民生政策无法推行。他们滥用调查权、传召权和质询权,提出违法的不信任动议,对政府官员和公职人员肆意侮辱。成立创新科技局对香港长远发展具有重大意义,但有关议案被严重恶意拖延,历时3年才最终在立法会获得通过。第六届立法会内务委员会在2019至2020立法年度停摆长达8个多月,多达14个法案不能及时审议,超过80部附属法例在期限届满前得不到处理,一些本可惠及香港广大居民特别是弱势群体的民生法案不能及时通过。
– Agitators in Hong Kong have obstructed government administration
They have engaged in filibustering at the Legislative Council by repeatedly moving motions for amendments that contravene the Basic Law and issuing repeated calls for unnecessary headcounts. This has prevented the passage of many major policies that could have benefitted Hong Kong’s economy and improved the people’s lives. The opposition members of the Legislative Council have abused their powers of investigation, summons and inquiry, proposing motions of no confidence and insulting holders of public office.
For example, it took the Legislative Council three years to pass the motion to set up the Innovation and Technology Bureau, an institution of far-reaching significance for Hong Kong’s future development. The House Committee of the Sixth Legislative Council was unable to function for more than eight months in the 2019-2020 legislative session, with the result that 14 bills and over 80 items of subsidiary legislation were not scrutinized and followed up before their vetting period expired. Bills dealing with matters such as improving welfare for local residents and vulnerable communities failed to pass due to the standstill.

 

——反中乱港议员用各种手法扰乱立法会和区议会正常运作。2018年4月24日,在立法会会议期间,一名议员公然暴力抢走政府工作人员的手机(注4)。2019年10月16日,多名议员在行政长官宣读施政报告时用具有伤害性的强光照射行政长官,致使其无法正常发表报告(注5)。2020年5月28日和6月4日,一名议员两次向立法会主席及他人泼洒恶臭有害液体。这些恶行不仅严重违反法律,而且严重扰乱立法会运作,破坏行政与立法的关系,导致政府施政举步维艰。
– Some agitators hold seats on the Legislative Council and district councils, and have employed various means to paralyze it
For example, at a meeting on April 24, 2018, a council member snatched the mobile phone of a government employee. When the Chief Executive was delivering the annual Policy Address on October 16, 2019, a group of opposition members used dazzling lights to stop her from completing the address. At the sessions of May 28 and June 4, 2020, a council member hurled a noxious liquid at the president of the Legislative Council and other people in the room.
These intolerable acts all violate the law, disrupt the functioning of the Legislative Council, pit legislation against administration, hamstring the HKSAR government, and prevent it from doing its work.

 

他们不断僭越区议会的法定职能,滥用职权,将区议会变成宣扬“港独”、进行颠覆破坏活动的平台,使区议会成为香港社会一大乱源。
The agitators have abused the statutory functions of the district councils and misused their power. They have tried to turn district councils into a platform to engage in secessionist and subversive activities, creating further instability in Hong Kong.

(四)歪曲民主内涵,阻挠民主进程
4. Perverting Democracy and Impeding Its Progress

——反中乱港势力偷梁换柱,炮制种种“民主”谬论。他们误导香港社会将特别行政区地方属性的民主简单等同于一个国家的民主,并以是否有利于其上台掌权为标准,标签所谓“真民主”“假民主”,颠倒黑白,混淆是非。在行政长官普选问题上,他们炮制所谓“国际标准”的“真普选”,提出各种违反基本法的无理主张,恶意诋毁中央政府和特别行政区政府推动民主发展所作的各种努力。
– The agitators have perverted the meaning of democracy
The agitators have misled public opinion by portraying Hong Kong as a sovereign country. They judge democracy as “true” or “fake” only by their own criteria – that is, whether it can help them come to power. Regarding the method for electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage, they have concocted criteria that they claim to be the base for “universal suffrage by international standards”, and they have raised proposals that violate the Basic Law. They have gone on to sabotage the efforts to advance democracy in Hong Kong, made by the central government and the HKSAR government.

 

——反中乱港势力冲击选举秩序,破坏选举公平。在2019年11月举行的第六届区议会选举中,他们使用暴力手段胁迫、恐吓、攻击爱国爱港参选人和选民,甚至在光天化日之下行刺其他参选人。根据香港特别行政区选举管理委员会披露,这次区议会选举接获的投诉激增,其中涉及刑事毁坏、暴力行为、恐吓的投诉高达1000多宗。
– The agitators have disrupted fair and orderly electoral processes
During the elections for the sixth-term district councils in November 2019, opposition candidates used violence, coercion, and threats to intimidate voters and patriotic candidates. Assassination attempts were even made on candidates. in broad daylight. As the Electoral Affairs Commission of the HKSAR reported, during these elections there was a surge in complaints, more than 1,000 of which were about acts of sabotage, violence and intimidation that constituted criminal offenses.

 

——反中乱港势力一再阻挠循序渐进发展民主。他们罔顾民意,在立法会两次否决特别行政区政府提出的扩大民主成分的选举方案。如果没有他们的阻挠破坏,香港原本可以在2017年实现行政长官普选、2020年实现立法会全部议员普选。他们不仅是导致香港普选无法如期实现的历史罪人,也从根本上破坏了香港特别行政区发展民主的社会环境,破坏了中央政府与香港社会的政治互信。
– The agitators have constantly obstructed the gradual and orderly development of democracy in Hong Kong
Disregarding the public will, they twice voted down proposals delivered by the HKSAR government to the Legislative Council for expanding democracy in local elections. Without their obstruction, Hong Kong could have realized universal suffrage in the election of its Chief Executive by 2017 and the election of all members of its Legislative Council by 2020. They have wreaked havoc on the social foundations of democracy in Hong Kong, attempting to provoke hostility between the central government and the region.

 

事实一再表明,反中乱港势力及其背后的外部敌对势力是挑战“一国两制”原则底线的罪魁祸首,是危害国家安全的罪魁祸首,是损害香港繁荣稳定的罪魁祸首,也是阻碍香港特别行政区民主向前发展的罪魁祸首。香港特别行政区的民主发展之所以窒碍难行,香港本地反中乱港势力是站在前台的直接破坏者,外部敌对势力是躲在幕后的操盘手,众多青少年是受害者,最终一切不利后果则由全体港人承担。
All this demonstrates that the agitators in Hong Kong and the external groups behind them must be held to account for threatening the principle of One Country, Two Systems, endangering national security, damaging the region’s prosperity and stability, and impeding its progress towards democracy. Progress towards democracy has stalled in the region because of the local agitators and the external groups behind them – the former are the frontline saboteurs and the latter the covert masterminds. Hong Kong youth have become their pawns, and local residents are the victims who will suffer the consequences of this dangerous game.

2019年“修例风波”和区议会选举乱象,充分暴露出香港特别行政区选举制度存在重大的缺陷和漏洞。最突出的一点是安全性严重不足,使得反中乱港势力很容易通过选举进入特别行政区的政权组织和治理架构,使得外部敌对势力可以通过多种方式干预香港事务,进而为他们对中国内地进行渗透、颠覆活动提供机会。任何地方的民主发展都不能以损害国家安全为代价。完善香港特别行政区民主制度特别是选举制度,是依法治港、拨乱反正的必要之举,是维护国家安全和特别行政区宪制秩序的治本之策,也是确保香港民主在正确轨道上向前发展的固本之基。
The 2019 turmoil and the chaos in the election for district councils both revealed shortcomings in the electoral system of the HKSAR. The most obvious of them is laxity in the electoral process, which has allowed agitators to be easily elected into Hong Kong’s governing organizations. This opens the way for external forces to meddle in Hong Kong’s affairs in various ways, thereby providing themselves with the means to infiltrate China’s mainland and engage in acts of subversion. Development of democracy in any country should never come at the expense of national security. Improving the democratic system of the HKSAR, especially its electoral system, is a prerequisite for governing Hong Kong by law and keeping the region on the right track – itself essential for safeguarding national security and the constitutional order, and as a foundation for sound progress in steering Hong Kong towards democracy.

五、香港特别行政区民主发展重回正轨
V. Development of Democracy in Hong Kong Is Back on Track

“事有必至,理有固然”。“修例风波”对国家安全、香港法治、经济社会稳定造成的严重危害令人痛心、发人深省。2019年10月31日,中共十九届四中全会明确指出,必须“建立健全特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制,支持特别行政区强化执法力量”“完善特别行政区同宪法和基本法实施相关的制度和机制,坚持以爱国者为主体的‘港人治港’、‘澳人治澳’,提高特别行政区依法治理能力和水平”,“绝不容忍任何挑战‘一国两制’底线的行为,绝不容忍任何分裂国家的行为”。中央政府审时度势,果断决策,采取了一系列重大举措,标本兼治,拨乱反正,引领和推动香港局势和民主发展重回正轨。
The 2019 turmoil was a painful blow to national security, the rule of law, and social and economic stability in Hong Kong. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee concluded on October 31, 2019, the following decisions were made: to reinforce the legal framework and supporting mechanisms for safeguarding national security in the special administrative regions; to support the regions in strengthening law enforcement; to improve the systems and mechanisms for enforcing the Constitution and the Basic Law in the two regions; to ensure Hong Kong and Macao are governed by patriots; to build up the capacity of the special administrative regions to govern in accordance with the law; to grant zero tolerance to any attempt to challenge the One Country, Two Systems principle or divide the country. The central government responded swiftly to the turmoil by taking a series of decisive measures that addressed both the symptoms and root causes of the unrest, restored order, and brought Hong Kong and democracy back on track.

(一)制定实施香港国安法为民主发展提供基本条件
1. Formulating and Enforcing the Hong Kong National Security Law Has Created Favorable Conditions for the Development of Democracy

维护国家安全是国家的头等大事。中央政府对香港特别行政区有关的国家安全事务负有根本责任,香港特别行政区负有维护国家安全的宪制责任。2020年5月28日,第十三届全国人民代表大会第三次会议通过《关于建立健全香港特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制的决定》,对建立健全香港特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制提出原则要求,授权全国人大常委会就此制定相关法律,切实防范、制止和惩治与香港特别行政区有关的严重危害国家安全的行为和活动。6月30日,全国人大常委会通过香港国安法,并决定将该法列入基本法附件三,由香港特别行政区政府同日刊宪公布实施。该法对与香港特别行政区有关的分裂国家、颠覆国家政权、组织实施恐怖活动和勾结外国或者境外势力危害国家安全等犯罪及其处罚作出了规定,建立健全了国家和特别行政区两个层面维护国家安全的执行机制,并从国家安全的角度进一步明确了参选或者就任香港特别行政区有关公职的资格和条件。香港国安法的制定实施,筑牢了特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度屏障,有力打击了“港独”激进势力的嚣张气焰,对香港迅速止暴制乱、恢复正常社会秩序、实现由乱到治的历史性转折发挥了关键作用,是“一国两制”事业发展的重要里程碑。
National security is of paramount significance for any country. The central government bears a fundamental responsibility for matters of national security pertaining to the HKSAR, and the HKSAR bears a constitutional responsibility for safeguarding national security. On May 28, 2020, at the Third Session of the 13th NPC, the Decision on Establishing and Improving the Legal System and Enforcement Mechanisms for Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was adopted. The decision set the guidelines on establishing the legal framework and supporting mechanisms for safeguarding national security in the HKSAR. It authorized the NPC Standing Committee to formulate legislation to effectively prevent, halt, and punish any acts and activities severely jeopardizing national security in the region. On June 30, the NPC Standing Committee passed the Hong Kong National Security Law and included it in Annex III to the Basic Law. On the same day, the HKSAR government released the Hong Kong National Security Law and had it published on The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Gazette for enforcement.
The Hong Kong National Security Law stipulates four offenses – secession, subversion of state power, organization and perpetration of terrorist activities, and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security – and the corresponding penalties. This law improves the enforcement mechanisms for safeguarding national security at both national and HKSAR levels, and it defines the criteria for eligibility and the required qualifications of candidates or nominees for public service positions in Hong Kong. The promulgation and enforcement of the Hong Kong National Security Law provides a strong legal safeguard for protecting national security in Hong Kong. It has dealt a heavy blow to extremist advocates of independence, and it has been instrumental in quickly quelling riots and restoring order in Hong Kong. The law marks a milestone in advancing the cause of One Country, Two Systems.

 

任何民主都是在特定国家或地区范围内的民主,必须以维护本国国家安全为基本前提条件。如果国家安全得不到基本保障,就不可能有正常、真正的民主。切实防范、制止、惩治发生在香港特别行政区严重危害国家安全的行为和活动,不仅是维护国家安全的迫切需要,也是继续推动香港民主正常发展的需要。香港国安法的制定实施为香港特别行政区民主发展重新回到正确轨道创造了基本条件。
Whatever form of democracy runs in any country, it must first and foremost safeguard national security. There can never be workable, authentic democracy without security. To safeguard national security and to develop democracy in the HKSAR, solid measures must be taken to prevent, halt, and punish offenses that seriously undermine national security. The enforcement of the Hong Kong National Security Law has created favorable conditions for restoring order to the process of building democracy in Hong Kong.

(二)明确香港特别行政区公职人员参选、任职和就职宣誓等规矩
2. Rules Have Been Formulated for Hong Kong Public Servants to Stand for Election, Assume Office, and Take the Oath of Office

早在2016年11月7日,针对第六届立法会议员就职宣誓时发生严重侮辱国家和民族的情况,全国人大常委会作出《关于〈中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法〉第一百零四条的解释》,明确拥护中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法、效忠中华人民共和国香港特别行政区是参选或者出任香港特别行政区有关公职的法定要求和条件;阐明了“就职时必须依法宣誓”的含义,明确了依法宣誓的法律效力及其法律责任,为立法会议员等公职人员就职宣誓定下了规矩,为阻止反中乱港势力通过选举进入香港特别行政区政权架构加固了法律屏障。
On November 7, 2016, following an incident when some members of the Sixth Legislative Council of the HKSAR insulted China and the Chinese nation when taking the oath of office, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Interpretation of Article 104 of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. The interpretation prescribes that upholding the Basic Law and pledging allegiance to the HKSAR are the legal requirements and prerequisites for standing for election or assuming public office in Hong Kong. The interpretation defines the act of taking the oath of office in accordance with the law as well as its legal weight and the legal responsibility it entails. It thus sets rules for oath-taking by members of the Legislative Council and other holders of public office in Hong Kong, and serves as a legal safeguard to prevent agitators from infiltrating the Hong Kong government system by means of elections.

2020年8月11日,全国人大常委会根据香港特别行政区行政长官报请国务院提出的有关议案,就因受新冠肺炎疫情影响推迟第七届立法会选举而出现的立法机关空缺问题,作出《关于香港特别行政区第六届立法会继续履行职责的决定》,明确2020年9月30日后香港特别行政区第六届立法会继续履行职责不少于一年,直至第七届立法会任期开始为止。为解决由此引发的个别议员延任资格争议,2020年11月11日,全国人大常委会通过《关于香港特别行政区立法会议员资格问题的决定》,明确立法会议员因宣扬或者支持“港独”主张、拒绝承认国家对香港拥有并行使主权、寻求外国或者境外势力干预香港特别行政区事务,或者具有其他危害国家安全等行为,不符合拥护中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法、效忠中华人民共和国香港特别行政区的法定要求和条件,一经依法认定,即时丧失立法会议员资格。这进一步明确了就任立法会议员的法定资格,完善了相关制度机制。
On August 11, 2020, in response to a proposal made to the State Council by the Chief Executive to avoid the absence of a legislature caused by the postponement of the Seventh Legislative Council election due to Covid-19, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Decision on the Continuing Discharge of Duties by the Sixth Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The decision affirmed that after September 30, 2020, the Sixth Legislative Council of the HKSAR would continue to discharge duties for no less than one year until the Seventh Legislative Council started functioning.
On November 11, 2020, to resolve disputes concerning the continued qualification of a few members of the Legislative Council, the NPC Standing Committee adopted the Decision on Issues Relating to the Qualification of the Members of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. It provides that a member of the Legislative Council of the HKSAR should be immediately disqualified if he or she is determined, in accordance with the law, to have committed one of the following acts:
• advocates or supports “Hong Kong independence”;
• refuses to recognize China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong and its exercise of such sovereignty;
• seeks intervention by external forces in the affairs of Hong Kong;
• carries out other activities endangering national security;
• fails to meet the legal requirements and conditions of endorsing the Basic Law and pledging allegiance to the HKSAR.
The decision further defines the legal qualification of members of the Legislative Council and improves the relevant system and mechanism.

 

(三)完善香港特别行政区选举制度
3. The Electoral System of Hong Kong Has Been Improved

2021年3月11日,第十三届全国人民代表大会第四次会议通过《全国人民代表大会关于完善香港特别行政区选举制度的决定》,明确完善选举制度应当遵循的基本原则和核心要素,授权全国人大常委会修改香港基本法附件一和附件二。3月30日,第十三届全国人大常委会第二十七次会议全票通过新的基本法附件一《香港特别行政区行政长官的产生办法》和附件二《香港特别行政区立法会的产生办法和表决程序》,3月31日起实施。原基本法附件一和附件二及其修正案不再施行。
On March 11, 2021, the Decision on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was adopted at the Fourth Session of the 13th NPC. The decision defines the basic principles and core elements for improving Hong Kong’s electoral system, and authorizes the NPC Standing Committee to amend Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law.
On March 30, at its 27th Session, the 13th NPC Standing Committee unanimously passed the amended Annex I “Method for the Selection of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” and Annex II “Method for the Formation of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and Its Voting Procedures”. The amended Annex I and Annex II came into force on March 31, and the methods previously in force ceased to apply.

 

香港特别行政区随即以本地立法方式落实全国人大及其常委会的上述决定和对基本法附件一和附件二的修订。特别行政区政府提出了涵盖8项主体法例和24项附属法例的有关本地法律修订法案。2021年5月27日,香港特别行政区立法会通过《2021年完善选举制度(综合修订)条例》,标志着完善香港特别行政区选举制度的工作顺利完成。
The Hong Kong government then implemented the decision and the amended Annex I and Annex II through local legislation. It proposed a bill on the amendment of local laws, including 8 principal laws and 24 subsidiary laws. On May 27, 2021, the Legislative Council passed the Improving Electoral System (Consolidated Amendments) Bill 2021, thus completing the improvements to Hong Kong’s electoral system.

完善香港特别行政区选举制度体现了以下五项重要原则:第一,全面准确贯彻“一国两制”方针,严格依照宪法、基本法和全国人大的有关决定,坚决维护国家主权、安全、发展利益,坚决反对外来干涉,维护香港繁荣稳定和长治久安。第二,全面落实“爱国者治港”原则,确保香港特别行政区的管治权牢牢掌握在爱国者手中,切实保障香港居民合法权益。第三,坚持依法治港,坚决维护宪法和基本法确定的宪制秩序,坚决维护法治权威,任何违反法律、破坏法治的行为都必须依法予以追究。第四,增强选举委员会和立法会的代表性,扩大香港社会均衡有序的政治参与,维护香港社会整体利益和根本利益。第五,强化行政和立法之间的有效配合,提高治理效能,减少政治争拗和内耗。
The improvements are underpinned by five major principles:
• Fully and faithfully implementing the policy of One Country, Two Systems, abiding by the Constitution, the Basic Law and the relevant decisions of the NPC, resolutely safeguarding China’s sovereignty, security and development interests, resolutely opposing external interference, and maintaining enduring peace and order in Hong Kong;
• Fully implementing the principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong, keeping the power to govern Hong Kong firmly in the hands of those who love the country, and ensuring the legitimate rights and interests of Hong Kong residents;
• Upholding the rule of law and its authority in Hong Kong, safeguarding the order established by the Constitution and the Basic Law, and holding to account anyone guilty of violating the law or undermining the rule of law;
• Making the Election Committee and the Legislative Council more representative, expanding balanced and orderly political participation, and safeguarding the overall and fundamental interests of Hong Kong;
• Improving coordination between the executive and the legislature, improving governance, and reducing political conflict and internal strife.

 

这次完善香港特别行政区选举制度主要有三个方面内容。
The improvements cover three areas:

第一,重新构建选举委员会,扩大规模、增加界别、优化分组、完善职能。一是选举委员会的规模由原来的1200人扩大到1500人,组成由原来的四大界别扩大为五大界别,每个界别300人。增加了第五界别“港区全国人大代表、港区全国政协委员和有关全国性团体香港成员的代表界”。选举委员会每届任期五年,委员必须是香港特别行政区永久性居民。二是明确规定了选举委员会五大界别共40个界别分组的划分、名额分配以及产生方式,调整优化了有关界别分组。选举委员会委员的产生继续沿用原来的三种方式,即当然委员、由提名产生的委员和由选举产生的委员。三是完善和扩大了选举委员会的职能,保留选举委员会选举产生行政长官人选的职能,恢复选举委员会选举产生部分立法会议员的职能,增加选举委员会参与提名立法会议员候选人的职能。重新构建的选举委员会覆盖面更广、代表性更强,社会各界参与更加均衡,更能体现香港社会的整体利益和根本利益,更加符合香港作为一个国际化、多元化、高度发达的资本主义社会的特点,也更加符合香港特别行政区作为直辖于中央人民政府的地方行政区域的宪制地位和实际情况。
First, the Election Committee has been restructured, with its membership enlarged, its sectors increased in number, its delimitation of sectors improved, and its functions enhanced.
• The membership of the Election Committee is increased from 1,200 to 1,500; the number of sectors increased from 4 to 5, with each comprising 300 members. The additional Fifth Sector is composed of Hong Kong deputies to the NPC, Hong Kong members of the CPPCC National Committee, and representatives of Hong Kong members of relevant national organizations. The term of office of the Election Committee is five years, and members of the Election Committee must be permanent Hong Kong residents.
• There are specific provisions concerning the delimitation and allocation of seats, and the formation of the 40 subsectors under the five sectors of the Election Committee, with the delimitation of sectors further improved. The three constituent groups that previously formed the Election Committee will continue to supply members – ex-officio members, validly nominated members, and validly elected members.
• The functions of the Election Committee have been improved and expanded: Its function of electing the Chief Executive designate from the list of nominations is retained; its function of electing some members of the Legislative Council is restored; and its role in nominating candidates for the Legislative Council is added.
The restructured Election Committee has a wider social basis. It is more representative, with more balanced participation by all sectors of society. It thus better represents the overall and fundamental interests of Hong Kong as an international, pluralistic and highly-developed capitalist society, and it fully conforms to the constitutional status and realities of Hong Kong as a local administrative region under the direct jurisdiction of China’s central government.

 

第二,规定了行政长官和立法会的产生办法。基本保留原来的行政长官选举制度,在提名机制等方面有所调整,以确保行政长官必须由中央政府信任的、坚定的爱国者担任。重点改革立法会选举制度,更好地平衡香港社会的整体利益、界别利益和地区利益。立法会议员人数由70席增加至90席;由选举委员会选举、功能界别选举和分区直接选举分别产生40名、30名和20名议员;同时对立法会选举的提名、选民资格、选举方式等作出了具体规定。
Second, provisions are made concerning the methods for the selection of the Chief Executive and the formation of the Legislative Council. The basic elements of the previous system for selecting the Chief Executive are retained, while the nomination mechanisms are adjusted to ensure that the Chief Executive must be a loyal patriot trusted by the central government. The priority is to reform the voting procedures of the Legislative Council so as to strike a better balance between the overall interests of Hong Kong society, the interests of individual sectors, and the interests of the various parts of Hong Kong. The number of members of the Legislative Council has increased from 70 to 90; of these, 40 members are returned by the Election Committee, 30 by functional constituencies, and 20 by geographical constituencies through direct election. There are specific provisions regarding the nomination of candidates for the Legislative Council, voter eligibility, and voting methods.

第三,完善候选人资格审查制度。设立候选人资格审查委员会,对参加选举委员会选举、行政长官选举和立法会选举的候选人进行资格审查,确保“爱国者治港”原则的全面落实,坚决把反中乱港势力排除在香港特别行政区政权机关之外。
Third, the system of candidate eligibility review is improved. The Candidate Eligibility Review Committee is established, which is responsible for reviewing the eligibility of candidates for the Election Committee, nominees for the Chief Executive, and candidates for the Legislative Council. This is to ensure that the principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong is fully implemented and that those who seek to overturn Hong Kong’s constitutional order and destabilize Hong Kong are disbarred from participation in Hong Kong’s government system.

2021年9月19日,作为香港特别行政区完善选举制度之后举行的首场重大选举,香港特别行政区选举委员会选举成功举行。2021年12月19日,第七届立法会选举举行,选举过程公开、公平、公正、安全、廉洁,充分展现了香港特别行政区民主实践的新气象。
On September 19, 2021, the polls closed in Hong Kong’s 2021 Election Committee Subsector Election, the first major election held successfully under the improved electoral system.
Held on December 19, the elections for the Seventh Legislative Council were open, fair, secure and clean, representing another step forward for democracy in Hong Kong.

 

实践表明,香港特别行政区新的民主选举制度具有鲜明的特点和优越性。第一,具有广泛代表性。新选举制度吸引了众多来自不同背景的人士参选,“五光十色”、多元多样前所未有,既有商界、学界、专业界精英,又有来自社会基层的劳工、职员、中小企业经营者代表;既有土生土长的香港人,又有从内地和台湾到香港生活工作的居民、加入中国籍的外国居民;既有经验丰富的资深参政者,又有充满活力和创新精神的新一代年轻人。居住公屋和“劏房”的人士、巴士车长、注册电工等成为立法会选举候选人,这在香港的过去是根本不可能的。
Hong Kong’s new electoral system has the following characteristics and strengths:
First, it is broadly representative. The new electoral system has attracted an impressive range of candidates from a diversity of backgrounds. Among them are representatives of business, academia and the professions, as well as workers, employees, and operators of small and medium-sized enterprises from the grassroots. They include natives of Hong Kong, residents from the mainland and Taiwan who have come to live and work in Hong Kong, and naturalized foreign residents. They range from political veterans to a new generation of young people full of energy and innovation. Ordinary people including residents from public housing and subdivided apartment complexes, bus drivers, and electricians are all likely candidates for the Legislative Council. This would never have happened in Hong Kong in the past.

 

第二,具有政治包容性。选举不是“单声道”,立法会选举候选人来自不同政治团体、政治派别,代表不同的政治光谱,持有不同的政治理念和抱负。多名持有不同政见和主张的人士,都获得提名参选,体现了新选举制度的最大开放包容。在爱国爱港旗帜下,新选举制度最大程度拉长了包容多样的半径,画出了“一国两制”实践行稳致远、香港长期繁荣稳定、香港同胞奔向美好生活这个符合香港根本利益的最大同心圆。
Second, it is politically inclusive. Elections should reflect more than one voice. Candidates for the Legislative Council represent various political groups and interests from different points on the political spectrum, espousing different political philosophies, and aspiring to different goals. This shows clearly the open and inclusive nature of the new electoral system. Upholding the principle of loving the country and Hong Kong, the new electoral system has expanded the boundaries of political involvement in line with the fundamental interests of Hong Kong: the sustained implementation of One Country, Two Systems, the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and the pursuit of a better life for the people of Hong Kong.

第三,具有均衡参与性。新的选举制度将立法会议席分为三大板块,组成结构得到优化,各阶层、各界别、各方面均有代表参与立法机关,从而确保了政治参与的均衡度,兼顾了香港社会各阶层和各界别的不同利益,特别是在有利于资本主义发展的同时,更好地代表了香港的整体利益,保护了各界别利益和地区利益,更能全面反映民意,更加符合香港实际。
Third, it ensures balanced participation. The new electoral system has optimized the composition of the Legislative Council by dividing membership among those returned by the Election Committee, by functional constituencies, and by geographical constituencies through direct elections. Participation of all social groups and all constituencies in the legislature ensures balanced political representation – diverse interests are thus taken into consideration. While ensuring the sound development of capitalism, the system conforms to Hong Kong’s realities and enables the Legislative Council to better represent the overall interests of Hong Kong, protect the interests of all social groups and geographical constituencies, and reflect public opinion in a more comprehensive way.

第四,具有公平竞争性。这次立法会选举,全部90个席位都有竞争,没有任何人自动当选。这是香港回归以来从未有过的。新选举制度使得竞选活动更加理性、公平、有序,更加注重民生和发展议题,更加注重参选人的能力和素质展示。所有候选人在同一个平台上竞争,通过比专长、比政纲、比理念、比担当、比贡献等方式,积极争取选民支持。香港过去很长一段时期,盲目从形式上追求西方式民主,实际上带给香港的并不是真正的民主,而是分化恶斗、社会失序、经济失衡、管治失效,香港居民并没有真正享受到原汁原味的民主。新选举制度使选举回归良性、理性、平等、干净竞争,真正体现选举的本意,真正为香港人谋实惠、谋福祉。
Fourth, it guarantees fair competition. All 90 seats in the Legislative Council elections were contested – the first time since Hong Kong’s return to China. The new electoral system attaches greater importance to the competence and quality of candidates, thus making election activities more rational, fair and orderly, and it addresses a higher level of attention to issues such as people’s lives and regional development. All candidates compete on the same platform, campaigning on their expertise, policies, ideas, contributions, and sense of responsibility.
Prior to the handover, the UK tried to impose elements of a fake Western-style democracy on Hong Kong. Since the handover, local agitators have created polarization and social disorder resulting in economic imbalance and ineffective regulation. None of this has ever helped Hong Kong residents to enjoy genuine democracy. The new electoral system has brought benign, rational, fair and clean competition back to elections, so that the true purpose of elections is achieved, to the greater benefit of the people of Hong Kong.

 

显而易见,完善后的香港特别行政区选举制度,全面准确贯彻了“一国两制”方针和基本法,符合香港特别行政区的实际情况。既坚持“一国”原则,又尊重“两制”差异;既充分体现“爱国者治港”原则要求,修补了选举制度存在的漏洞和缺陷,又做到了包容开放;既保证广泛参与,又体现均衡参与;既发展选举民主,又加强协商民主;既维护了政权安全,又有利于提高治理效能;既有利于促进良政善治,又有利于维护和实现香港广大居民的民主权利。这是香港特别行政区民主制度的优化提升和与时俱进,并为香港特别行政区民主的长远健康发展打下了坚实的基础,为实现“双普选”目标创造了有利条件。
Obviously, Hong Kong’s improved electoral system gives full expression to the policy of One Country, Two Systems and the Basic Law in line with Hong Kong’s realities.
• It is based on the principle of One Country while respecting the differences between the Two Systems.
• It is guided by the principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong; it closes the loopholes in the previous electoral system, and is open and inclusive.
• It ensures both extensive and balanced participation.
• It reinforces both electoral democracy and consultative democracy.
• It safeguards state authority and improves governance.
• It promotes good governance and upholds and realizes the democratic rights of the Hong Kong people.
The improved electoral system shows that democracy in Hong Kong is advancing with the times. This system ensures the sound long-term development of democracy in Hong Kong, and fosters favorable conditions necessary for the election by universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council.

 

根据中国宪法,人民代表大会制度是国家的根本政治制度。全国人大是最高国家权力机关,全国人大常委会是其常设机关,全国人大及其常委会行使国家立法权、重大事项决定权、重大人事权和监督权。全国人大常委会还拥有宪法和法律的解释权。人民代表大会制度为贯彻实施“一国两制”方针提供了根本制度保障。自二十世纪八十年代开始,全国人大及其常委会在批准《中英联合声明》、起草制定香港特别行政区基本法、决定香港特别行政区成立、处理过渡期各种复杂政治法律问题以及解决回归后香港“一国两制”实践出现的各种新问题、新挑战过程中,发挥了极其重要的作用。特别是2019年香港发生“修例风波”以后,全国人大及其常委会履行宪制责任,及时作出一系列重要决定,制定香港国安法,修改基本法附件一和附件二,完善香港特别行政区选举制度,对香港特别行政区止暴制乱、由乱到治,对香港特别行政区民主发展重回正轨,对全面准确贯彻执行“一国两制”方针和基本法发挥了重要作用。
According to the Constitution, the system of people’s congresses is China’s fundamental political system. The NPC is the highest organ of state power, and its permanent institution is the NPC Standing Committee. The NPC and its Standing Committee exercise the legislative power of the state, the power to decide on major issues, the power to appoint and remove top-level officials, and the power of oversight. The NPC Standing Committee has the power to interpret the Constitution and laws. The system of people’s congresses provides a fundamental institutional safeguard for the policy of One Country, Two Systems.
Since the 1980s, the NPC and its Standing Committee have played a vital role in approving the Sino-British Joint Declaration, drafting and enacting the Basic Law, deciding on the establishment of the HKSAR, addressing complex political and legal issues in the transition period, and meeting new challenges encountered in the course of implementing the policy of One Country, Two Systems since Hong Kong’s return to China.
In particular, in response to the 2019 turmoil, the NPC and its Standing Committee have fulfilled their constitutional responsibilities and made a series of sound and timely decisions – enacting the Hong Kong National Security Law, amending Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law, and improving Hong Kong’s electoral system. The NPC and its Standing Committee have thus played a critical role in quelling riots and restoring order in Hong Kong. They have ensured that the development of democracy in Hong Kong will continue to make orderly progress, and that the policy of One Country, Two Systems and the Basic Law are fully and faithfully implemented and enforced.

 

中央政府为发展和完善香港特别行政区民主制度所付出的各种努力,都是为了“一国两制”实践行稳致远,为了让全体香港居民更好地行使民主权利,为了香港长期繁荣稳定和长治久安。中央政府永远是香港特别行政区民主发展坚定的主导者、支持者和推动者,是全体香港居民根本利益的守护者。
By making all these efforts to develop and improve democracy in Hong Kong, the central government aims to ensure the success of the policy of One Country, Two Systems, to enable the Hong Kong residents to better exercise their democratic rights, and to maintain Hong Kong’s long-term stability and prosperity. The central government will continue to steer the course for the development of democracy in Hong Kong and support this endeavor, and it will continue to resolutely uphold the fundamental interests of all the people in Hong Kong.

 

六、香港特别行政区民主发展前景光明
VI. The Prospects Are Bright for Democracy in Hong Kong

“一国两制”不仅是解决历史遗留的香港问题的最佳方案,也是香港回归后保持长期繁荣稳定的最佳制度,并且是香港特别行政区民主发展的根本保障。经过二十多年的探索实践,中国共产党和中国政府对在“一国两制”下发展符合香港实际情况的民主制度,认识更深刻,方向更明确,思路更清晰,信心更坚定,步伐更稳健。
The policy of One Country, Two Systems is the optimal solution to problems carried over from history. It is the best policy for sustaining prosperity and stability following Hong Kong’s return, and it provides the fundamental safeguard for the development of democracy in Hong Kong. With more than 20 years of experience, the CPC and the Chinese government have gained a deeper and clearer understanding of how to develop democracy in accordance with the policy of One Country, Two Systems and in line with the realities in Hong Kong. We will continue to take more solid steps to advance democracy in the right direction with greater confidence.

(一)“一国两制”为香港特别行政区民主发展提供了根本保障
1. The Principle of One Country, Two Systems Provides the Fundamental Guarantee for the Development of Democracy in HKSAR

中国共产党是“一国两制”方针和事业的创立者、领导者。“一国两制”作为中国共产党和中国政府长期坚持的一项基本政策,自二十世纪八十年代以来,一直被中国共产党历次全国代表大会和重要会议所确认,并被载入所有重要文件、文献当中,还被郑重载入中国宪法,并通过香港基本法予以制度化、法律化。全国人大及其常委会就香港问题所通过的一系列决定、全国人大常委会对基本法的解释,也都坚定不移并全面准确贯彻执行了“一国两制”方针。
The CPC created the One Country, Two Systems policy and has guided its development ever since. Upheld by the CPC and the Chinese government as a basic long-term policy, it has been confirmed by all the CPC National Congresses and other important meetings, and written into all major documents promulgated since the 1980s. It is also enshrined in the Constitution, and codified and institutionalized through the Basic Law. It has been fully and faithfully implemented in the decisions on Hong Kong made by the NPC and its Standing Committee, and in the interpretation of the Basic Law made by the NPC Standing Committee.

2021年11月11日,中共十九届六中全会通过的《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》,把“一国两制”事业作为党百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的重要组成部分。这是中国共产党关于重大历史问题的决议首次载入港澳问题和“一国两制”内容。新时代推进“一国两制”事业,必须继续坚定不移并全面准确贯彻“一国两制”、“港人治港”、高度自治的方针,坚持和完善“一国两制”制度体系,坚持依法治港,落实中央对香港特别行政区全面管治权,落实特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制,落实“爱国者治港”原则,维护宪法和基本法确定的特别行政区宪制秩序,维护国家主权、安全、发展利益,维护特别行政区社会大局稳定,保持香港长期繁荣稳定。要把坚持“一国”原则和尊重“两制”差异、维护中央对特别行政区全面管治权和保障特别行政区高度自治权、发挥祖国内地坚强后盾作用和提高特别行政区自身竞争力有机结合起来。要毫不动摇地坚信笃行,确保“一国两制”方针不会变、不动摇,确保“一国两制”实践不走样、不变形。这为香港特别行政区民主发展提供了根本保障。
On November 11, 2021, at its Sixth Plenary Session, the 19th CPC Central Committee adopted the Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century. One Country, Two Systems is included as one of the Party’s important achievements and a major contributor to its experience. This is the first time that Hong Kong and Macao affairs, and One Country, Two Systems have been listed in such a momentous document.
To carry forward the policy of One Country, Two Systems in the new era, we must continue to abide by a set of key principles: Hong Kong governed by the people of Hong Kong, a high degree of autonomy for the region, upholding and improving the policy of One Country, Two Systems, Hong Kong governed in accordance with the law, and overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong by the central authorities. The legal systems and supporting mechanisms in the HKSAR must maintain national security, sovereignty and development interests, ensure overall social stability, and sustain lasting prosperity and stability. The principle of Hong Kong patriots governing Hong Kong must be implemented to consolidate the order established by the Constitution and the Basic Law. We should implement the policy of One Country and respect the differences of the Two Systems. We should ensure overall jurisdiction by the central authorities over Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong. The central authorities should continue to provide full support to Hong Kong, and Hong Kong, on its part, should improve its competitiveness. We should ensure that this policy will remain unchanged and that it is implemented faithfully. This is the fundamental guarantee for the development of democracy in the HKSAR.

 

——准确把握“一国”和“两制”的关系,坚持“一国两制”实践正确方向。坚持“一国”是实行“两制”的前提和基础、“两制”从属和派生于“一国”并统一在“一国”之内的基本逻辑。国家主体实行的社会主义制度与特别行政区实行的资本主义制度并行不悖,但主次关系不能颠倒。中国共产党领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征,是宪法确定的国家宪制秩序的核心,是国家宪法制度的灵魂,在特别行政区必须得到切实尊重和维护。必须牢固树立“一国”意识,坚守“一国”底线,坚定维护国家主权、安全、发展利益,坚决防范和遏制外部敌对势力干预香港事务。任何危害国家主权安全、挑战中央权力和基本法权威、利用香港对内地进行渗透破坏的活动,都是对底线的触碰,都是绝不能允许的。“一国”底线越牢,“两制”空间越大。
– Gaining a full understanding of the relationship between One Country and Two Systems and faithfully applying this policy
One Country is the prerequisite and basis for the Two Systems, and the Two Systems are subordinate to and derive from One Country. The socialist system practiced on the mainland, the main body of the country, and the capitalist system in Hong Kong, run in parallel. However, the fact that the latter is subordinate to the former is not to be challenged. Leadership by the CPC is the defining feature of Chinese socialism, and it is at the core of the order established by the Constitution. As such, it must be truly respected and upheld in Hong Kong.
We must foster a strong sense of One Country as a fundamental state policy. We must safeguard China’s sovereignty, security and development interests, and take resolute action to prevent and stop external interference in the affairs of Hong Kong. Any activity that jeopardizes China’s sovereignty and security, any activity that challenges the right of the central authorities and the authority of the Basic Law, and any infiltration or sabotage directed at the mainland via Hong Kong are in violation of the One Country policy and will not be tolerated. The more we adhere to the policy of One Country, the greater the scope there will be for Two Systems.

 

——严格依照宪法和基本法办事,坚持依法治港。必须巩固宪法和基本法共同构成的宪制基础,维护宪法和基本法确定的特别行政区宪制秩序,把宪法和基本法作为处理特别行政区事务的最高准则。巩固基本法在特别行政区法律体系中的宪制地位,完善与基本法实施相关的法律制度和执行机制,确保基本法的各项规定得到落实,基本法的权威得到有效维护。
– Governing Hong Kong in strict accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law
We must consolidate the base of the HKSAR underpinned by the Constitution and the Basic Law and uphold the order in Hong Kong decided by the Constitution and the Basic Law. These should be the overarching norms in handling the affairs of Hong Kong. We must consolidate the constitutional status of the Basic Law in Hong Kong’s legal system, improve the legal system and mechanisms for enforcing the Basic Law, and ensure all its provisions are implemented and its authority is upheld.

 

——正确处理中央和特别行政区的关系,坚持中央全面管治权与特别行政区高度自治权相统一。中央对特别行政区拥有全面管治权,特别行政区享有法定的高度自治权。特别行政区政府必须向中央政府负责,执行中央政府依法发出的指令;在行使高度自治权的时候,必须接受中央政府的监督和问责。不能以特别行政区享有高度自治权为由,排斥和对抗中央政府依法行使有关权力。中央政府各部门和各地方要切实尊重和保障特别行政区依法享有的高度自治权,不干预特别行政区自治范围内的事务。
– Properly handling the relationship between the central authorities and the HKSAR and ensuring both overall jurisdiction by the central authorities and a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong
The central authorities have overall jurisdiction over the HKSAR, and the HKSAR enjoys a high degree of statutory autonomy. The HKSAR government is answerable to the central government and must implement the directives issued by the central government in accordance with the law. While exercising autonomy, the HKSAR government is under the supervision of the central government and is accountable to it. The HKSAR government should not exploit its high degree of autonomy to challenge or confront the exercise of relevant statutory powers by the central government. All central government departments and local governments should truly respect and uphold the statutory autonomy enjoyed by the HKSAR and not interfere in the affairs within the scope of its autonomy.

 

——坚持以行政长官为核心的行政主导体制,支持行政长官和特别行政区政府依法施政、积极作为。全力支持行政长官领导特别行政区政府依法施政,支持行政、立法、司法机关依法履职,支持特别行政区政府团结带领全社会集中精力发展经济、切实有效改善民生、坚定不移守护法治、循序渐进推进民主、包容共济促进和谐。支持特别行政区政府积极回应社会发展新要求和广大居民新期待,着力破解影响香港经济社会发展和长治久安的深层次矛盾和突出问题,不断提高施政能力和管治水平,实现良政善治。
– Practicing the executive-led system with the Chief Executive at its core and supporting the Chief Executive and the HKSAR government in exercising law-based governance and efficiently performing their duties
We fully support the HKSAR government in exercising law-based governance under the leadership of the Chief Executive. We support the HKSAR executive, legislative and judicial branches in performing their statutory duties.
We support the HKSAR government in rallying all sectors of Hong Kong, in pursuing economic development, in taking effective steps to improve people’s wellbeing, in firmly upholding the rule of law, in making gradual and orderly progress towards greater democracy, and in building a more inclusive and harmonious society.
We support the HKSAR government in actively responding to the need to advance social development, in meeting the new expectations of the Hong Kong people, and in solving the deep-rooted and acute problems influencing Hong Kong’s economic and social development and its long-term peace and stability. We support the HKSAR government in improving its governance capacity and performance.

 

——促进香港融入国家发展大局,支持香港同各国各地区开展广泛交流合作。支持香港对接国家发展战略,参与、助力国家全面开放和现代化经济体系建设,参与建设粤港澳大湾区,打造共建“一带一路”功能平台,实现优势互补、协同发展。支持香港继续保持单独关税区和自由港地位,加强与各国各地区的交流合作,巩固和提升国际金融、航运、贸易中心和国际航空枢纽地位,强化全球离岸人民币业务枢纽、国际资产管理中心及风险管理中心功能,建设国际创新科技中心、亚太区国际法律及解决争议服务中心、区域知识产权贸易中心以及中外文化艺术交流中心。
– Integrating Hong Kong into China’s overall development and supporting Hong Kong in extensive exchanges and cooperation with other countries and areas
We support Hong Kong in defining its development strategy within the national development strategy and in contributing to the national effort to open up and build a modern economy. We support Hong Kong in playing its part in the development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, in creating a platform for the Belt and Road Initiative, and in tapping into its strengths to realize coordinated development with other parts of the country.
We support Hong Kong in continuing to be a separate customs territory and a free port, in strengthening global exchanges and cooperation, in consolidating its international status as a financial, shipping and trade center and an aviation hub, and in boosting its role as a global center for offshore Renminbi business and asset and risk management.
We support Hong Kong in building itself into an international center of innovation and technology, an international legal and dispute resolution services center in the Asia-Pacific Region, a regional center of intellectual property trade, and a center of cultural and art exchanges between China and other countries.

 

中国政府在提出“一国两制”方针之初,就十分重视保护各国投资者在香港的合法利益,明确香港特别行政区可同英国和其他国家建立互利经济关系,英国和其他国家在香港的合法经济利益将得到照顾。基本法和香港本地法律进一步对此作出具体规定,对世界各国、各地区投资者在香港特别行政区的合法权益予以全面平等保护。中国政府愿意与各国共享香港国际金融经贸平台,分享中国改革开放带来的红利。
From the outset, when it adopted the policy of One Country, Two Systems, the Chinese government attached great importance to protecting the legitimate interests of foreign investors in Hong Kong. It made clear then that Hong Kong may establish mutually beneficial business ties with the UK and other countries and that due regard would be given to their legitimate economic interests in Hong Kong. More detailed provisions in this regard are laid out in the Basic Law and local laws, which give comprehensive and equal protection to the legitimate interests of investors from around the world. The Chinese government is ready to share with all other countries the gains of reform and opening up through Hong Kong, an international financial, business and trade center.

中国共产党和中国政府坚守“一国两制”的初心使命坚定不移,建设符合香港实际优质民主的决心也坚定不移。
The CPC and the Chinese government are committed to the principle of One Country, Two Systems, and to building a high-quality democracy conforming to the realities of Hong Kong.

(二)坚决贯彻落实“爱国者治港”原则
2. Remaining Committed to the Principle of Hong Kong Patriots Governing Hong Kong

确保“一国两制”实践行稳致远,继续推动香港民主发展,必须坚决贯彻落实“爱国者治港”原则。这是事关国家主权、安全、发展利益,事关香港长期繁荣稳定的根本原则。爱国是从政者必须遵循的基本政治伦理。爱国者治国是世界各国的政治通例。“港人治港”就是由爱国的港人来治理香港。这是“一国两制”的应有之义,是香港特别行政区民主实践的本质要求。在新的形势下发展香港特别行政区民主,必须全面贯彻“爱国者治港”原则,确保所有治港者都是爱国者,确保反中乱港分子一个也不能进入特别行政区的治理架构,坚决防范香港管治权被反中乱港势力及其背后的外部敌对势力所攫取,确保特别行政区政权安全。
To ensure that One Country, Two Systems will make steady progress, and to further the development of democracy in Hong Kong, we must remain committed to the principle that Hong Kong is governed by Hong Kong patriots. This is a principle that has a fundamental bearing on China’s national sovereignty, security and development interests, and on the sustained prosperity and stability in Hong Kong.
Loving one’s country is a basic requirement for anyone engaged in state governance. Patriots governing their country is a universal practice around the world. Hong Kong governed by the patriots of Hong Kong is essential to the One Country, Two Systems principle, and quintessential to democracy in the region. To develop democracy in Hong Kong in the new era, the region must be governed by patriots and patriots only. No instigator of disorder should be allowed into the governing body of the HKSAR, and resolute measures must be taken to guard the region’s administration against destabilizing influences and the forces behind them. The governance of the HKSAR must be secure.

 

爱国者的标准是客观的、清晰的,就是尊重自己民族,诚心诚意拥护祖国恢复行使对香港的主权,不损害香港的繁荣和稳定。在香港已经回归祖国、重新纳入国家治理体系之后,就是要求爱国者必须真心维护国家主权、安全、发展利益,尊重和维护宪法和基本法确定的宪制秩序,维护香港的繁荣稳定。任何香港居民,只要秉持爱国爱港立场,不从事危害国家主权、安全、发展利益和香港繁荣稳定的活动,都可以依法参与香港的选举和治理;只有那些危害国家主权、安全、发展利益的人,挑战宪法和基本法确定的宪制秩序的人,破坏香港繁荣稳定的人,才没有治港者的资格。
The criteria for a patriot are objective and clear. A patriot is one who respects the Chinese nation, sincerely supports the motherland’s resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong, and wishes in no way to impair Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. Now that Hong Kong has returned to China and has been reincorporated into the national governance system, a patriot is required to safeguard China’s national sovereignty, security and development interests, respect and uphold the order established by the Constitution and the Basic Law, and work for prosperity and stability in Hong Kong.
Any Hong Kong residents can stand for election and participate in governing Hong Kong in accordance with the law, as long as they love the country and Hong Kong, and are not involved in activities that undermine national sovereignty, security and development interests, or jeopardize Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. Those who take the opposite view will be disqualified from governance.

 

强调“爱国者治港”,不意味着不允许持不同政见或主张者存在,也不意味着压制批评政府的声音。香港特别行政区的民主具有充分包容不同政见和不同政治派别的空间,不存在“清一色”的问题,而是在爱国爱港旗帜下实现最广泛的团结,不断扩大团结面,增强包容性,建构最广泛的“一国两制”统一战线。
Having Hong Kong patriots govern Hong Kong does not exclude people with different political views or ideas, nor will criticism of the government be suppressed. Democracy in the HKSAR allows ample room for different opinions and political groups, and there will be a plurality of voices in the government. All those who love the country and Hong Kong should stand together to form the most extensive united front, and expand it and make it more inclusive under the One Country, Two Systems framework.

中央政府和香港特别行政区政府将不断健全选拔和培养爱国爱港治理人才的长效机制,选贤任能,形成人才辈出的良好局面。
The central government and the HKSAR government will continue to improve the system for selecting and cultivating patriotic individuals for Hong Kong’s governance, promoting the upright and competent, and ensuring more patriots participate in Hong Kong’s governance.

(三)坚定走符合香港实际情况的民主发展道路
3. Developing Democracy in Line with Hong Kong’s Realities

世界上没有放之四海而皆准的民主标准,也不存在统一的民主模式。只有符合自身实际、能够解决自身问题的民主才是好民主。近年来一些国家和地区出现的社会政治危机及种种乱象昭示人们,世界上没有绝对完美的民主制度。不顾自身实际情况,盲目照搬其他国家和地区的民主制度,往往给本国本地区人民带来动乱和灾难。
There is no single set of criteria for democracy and no single model of democracy that is universally acceptable. Democracy works only when it suits actual conditions and solves actual problems. The social and political crises and turbulence in some countries and regions in recent years are evidence that there is no perfect democracy anywhere in the world. Disregarding the reality of one’s own country and blindly copying the systems of others often causes chaos and brings disaster to the people.

“一国两制”下香港特别行政区的宪制地位和实际情况决定了其政治体制的基本属性是一种地方政治体制,因此其民主制度不应照搬任何其他地方的模式,必须按照“一国两制”方针和基本法,切合香港的政治、经济、社会、文化、历史等条件,探索具有香港特色的民主发展道路。
The political system of the HKSAR applies locally. This is determined by the region’s constitutional status under the One Country, Two Systems framework and by its actual conditions. Therefore, the system of democracy in Hong Kong should not be a replica of some other model. Rather, a path to democracy in Hong Kong should be explored under the policy of One Country, Two Systems and the Basic Law and in keeping with its political, economic, social, cultural and historical conditions.

——坚持中央主导,依法循序渐进。香港特别行政区实行什么样的民主制度,事关国家主权安全,事关中央和特别行政区的关系,事关香港的长治久安和长期繁荣稳定,中央对此拥有主导权和决定权。只有坚持中央主导,香港民主才能健康发展。中央依法行使宪制权力,由全国人大及其常委会对香港特别行政区选举制度作出修改完善,合宪合法、合情合理。这是香港特别行政区民主发展的正道。任何民主的发展都要循序渐进,不可能一蹴而就。“循序渐进”的“进”不应只追求民主“量”的增加,更应强调民主“质”的提升。香港特别行政区民主的发展必须在中央主导下依法有序推进,建设优质民主。
– Democracy in Hong Kong should be guided by the central authorities and make steady progress in accordance with the law
The central authorities have the final say in determining the system of democracy in the HKSAR, which is a matter of national sovereignty and security, a reflection of the nature of relationship between the central authorities and the HKSAR, and one that affects the region’s long-term peace, stability and prosperity. Only under central guidance can Hong Kong expect its democracy to make healthy progress. The central authorities exercise their constitutional power by law, and the NPC and its Standing Committee revise and improve the electoral system in the HKSAR, according to a process that is fair, just, lawful and constitutional. This is the path along which democracy should progress in Hong Kong. Any system of democracy takes time to form and proceeds in stages. These stages are more than simply quantitative units; they should also be measured against quality.

 

——巩固宪制秩序,维护国家安全。香港特别行政区民主发展必须巩固宪法和基本法确定的宪制秩序,体现“香港特别行政区是中华人民共和国不可分离的部分”“是中华人民共和国的一个享有高度自治权的地方行政区域,直辖于中央人民政府”的宪制地位,以维护国家安全为前提。国家不安全,香港难安宁,民主也就无从谈起。二十多年来香港民主发展过程中出现的主要问题,实质不是要不要民主的问题,而是要不要维护“一国”原则的问题,是分裂与反分裂、颠覆与反颠覆、干预与反干预的问题。香港特别行政区民主发展必须把维护国家安全放在更加突出的位置,消除可能危害国家安全的各种隐患和风险。
– The constitutional order must be consolidated to safeguard national security
In developing democracy in Hong Kong, it is imperative to consolidate the order established by the Constitution and the Basic Law and ensure Hong Kong’s constitutional status as stipulated in the Basic Law: “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is an inalienable part of the People’s Republic of China.” “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be a local administrative region of the People’s Republic of China, which shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy and come directly under the Central People’s Government.” National security is the prerequisite for peace and democracy in Hong Kong. Without national security, there would be no stability in Hong Kong, and no prospects of implementing democracy. The key issue that has emerged in the course of developing democracy in Hong Kong over the past two decades is not whether Hong Kong should pursue democracy. Rather, it is an issue of upholding the One Country principle and opposing separatism, subversion and intervention. Safeguarding national security must be a focus in developing democracy in Hong Kong, and all latent threats and risks that could undermine national security must be neutralized.

 

——落实行政主导,致力良政善治。香港特别行政区民主的发展,必须有利于落实行政主导,强化行政长官在特别行政区治理中的核心地位和权威,提高施政效能。在立法会要形成稳定支持行政长官和特别行政区政府的强大力量,破解立法机关与行政机关长期对立、立法会内部长期对抗的困局,使特别行政区政府和各界能够集中精力发展经济、改善民生,不断增强香港在激烈竞争中的优势。
– The executive-led system should be implemented to ensure good governance
In developing democracy in Hong Kong, it is imperative to implement the executive-led system and consolidate the Chief Executive’s core position and authority in the region’s governance. There should be strong and steady support for the Chief Executive and the HKSAR government in the Legislative Council to end the long-standing conflict between the legislature and the executive and resolve the internal strife within the Legislative Council. This will enable Hong Kong and its government to focus on economic development, improve people’s lives, and boost Hong Kong’s strengths in the face of fierce international competition.

 

——体现均衡参与,保持多元开放。“一国两制”下香港将长期保持资本主义制度和生活方式不变。香港特别行政区民主的发展必须有利于促进资本主义经济发展,依法保障社会各阶层、各界别、各方面的利益,形成广泛的民意代表机制,实现均衡的政治参与。香港特别行政区民主的发展既要有利于香港融入国家发展大局,也要有利于香港保持高度对外开放的特色,继续成为所有以香港为家的中外居民安居乐业的共同家园,成为各国企业家投资兴业的沃土。
– There should be balanced participation in governance, and Hong Kong should remain open and pluralistic
Under the One Country, Two Systems framework, Hong Kong will maintain its capitalist economic model and way of life for a long period of time. Development of democracy in Hong Kong must be conducive to economic development under capitalism, and the interests of all social groups, sectors and stakeholders should be protected by law. A broadly based mechanism of public representation should be formed to advance balanced political participation. Development of democracy in Hong Kong should help the region to integrate into the broader framework of national development, and keep it highly open, as the common home of both Chinese and foreign residents who work and live here, and a destination of opportunity for entrepreneurs and investors from around the world.

 

——坚持法治原则,保障自由人权。香港特别行政区民主的发展必须坚持法治原则,在宪法和基本法的轨道上推动民主的发展完善。任何偏离宪法、基本法和全国人大及其常委会有关决定的主张和做法,都违反法治原则,损害法治权威。香港特别行政区民主的发展还应当充分维护宪法和基本法保障的香港居民的各项权利和自由,有利于香港居民依法行使各项权利,享有各种自由,包括选举权和被选举权,言论、新闻、出版的自由,结社、集会、游行、示威的自由,组织和参加工会、罢工的权利和自由等。
– The rule of law will be upheld to protect personal rights and freedoms
In developing and improving democracy in Hong Kong, it is imperative to follow the rule of law in accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law. Any proposition or act that is incompatible with the Constitution, the Basic Law, and the relevant decisions of the NPC and its Standing Committee goes against the principle of rule of law and undermines its authority. Development of democracy in Hong Kong should protect the people’s rights and freedoms provided for in the Constitution and the Basic Law, and it should ensure that they enjoy these rights and freedoms and exercise them. These include freedom of speech, the press and publication, freedom of association, assembly, procession and demonstration, the right to vote and stand for election, and the right and freedom to organize and join trade unions and strikes.

 

——丰富民主形式,提升民主质量。民主形式丰富多样,民主制度并非选举一途。不能把民主简单等同于选举,把选举简单等同于直接选举,把民主进步简单等同于增加直选议席,而要看有关安排有没有扩大民意代表性,能不能反映广大居民的根本利益和共同意愿。香港特别行政区民主的发展,不仅要完善、优化相关选举制度,还应当积极探索协商、咨询、听证、对话等多种民主形式,开拓更多民主渠道,重在提升民主质量,追求实质民主。
– Democracy should be promoted in many forms
Democracy comes in many forms. It cannot be reduced to the simplistic question of whether there are elections, and elections themselves cannot be defined exclusively as direct elections. Nor can progress in democracy be defined only as more representation from direct elections. What matters is whether public representation is expanding and whether the fundamental interests and the common will of the people are faithfully represented. For democracy to develop in Hong Kong, measures should be taken to improve the electoral system, and more forms of democracy – consultation, inquiry, hearing and dialogue – should be tested, to open up more channels for democracy of quality and substance.

 

——推动经济发展,增进港人福祉。民主与经济社会发展要相互促进,良性互动。判断任何民主优劣成败的标准,归根结底要看全体民众从中是真正受益还是受损。只有能够不断增进民众福祉的民主才是好民主。损害经济民生的民主不是好民主。中央政府坚定不移推动香港特别行政区民主发展的根本目的,就是为了通过建构、实践符合香港实际的民主制度,更好地促进香港经济高质量发展,不断改善民生,增进港人福祉,切实解决香港居民急难愁盼的问题和深层次矛盾,让经济社会发展的成果更加公平地惠及全体香港居民,保持香港作为国际金融、航运、贸易等中心的地位,从而确保香港长期繁荣稳定,确保香港在中华民族伟大复兴进程中不仅不掉队,而且增光添彩,发挥更大作用。香港经济社会的高质量发展,也必然为民主的进一步优化提升提供坚实的物质保障。
– The economy will be boosted for the greater benefit of the people of Hong Kong
Democracy should progress side by side with the economy and society. The main criterion for evaluating any form of democracy should always be whether it allows the whole of the population to prosper. Only those models that continue to improve overall wellbeing are good; those that undermine the economy and the lives of the people are not. The central government is determined to promote the development of democracy in the HKSAR in line with the region’s realities, in ways that will help generate high-quality economic growth and improve quality of life. It is intended that this will also be a practical means of addressing the most troublesome and long-standing problems that beset Hong Kong society, so that economic and social progress will benefit every local resident in a fairer way, and that Hong Kong will maintain its status as an international financial, shipping and trade center. This will ensure lasting prosperity and stability in Hong Kong, enabling it to play a more prominent part in national rejuvenation. Quality economic and social development in Hong Kong will also prepare the region for further democratic progress.

 

中央政府将继续按照宪法、基本法和全国人大及其常委会有关决定,不断发展和完善符合香港实际情况的民主制度,并与香港社会各阶层、各界别、各方面人士一道,为最终实现行政长官和全部立法会议员由普选产生的目标而共同努力。“一国两制”之下,香港特别行政区民主发展前景光明,民主道路必将越走越宽广。
The central government will continue to develop and improve democracy in Hong Kong in line with its realities and in accordance with the Constitution, the Basic Law, and the relevant decisions of the NPC and its Standing Committee. It will work with all social groups, sectors and stakeholders towards the ultimate goal of election by universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and all members of the Legislative Council. Under the framework of One Country, Two Systems, the prospects are bright for democracy in Hong Kong.

 

结束语
Conclusion

民主是中国人民矢志不渝的追求。中国共产党一直高举人民民主的旗帜并为之不懈奋斗。一百年来,中国共产党领导中国人民经过长期斗争和艰辛探索,走出了一条中国式民主道路,占世界约五分之一人口的十四亿多中国人民在自己的国家实现了当家作主,中国人民享有广泛充分、真实具体、有效管用的民主,过上美好生活。中国共产党坚持人民至上、立党为公、执政为民,实现党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国的有机统一,健全完善人民当家作主制度体系,不断发展全过程人民民主。这为“一国两制”下香港特别行政区的民主发展提供了有力依托。
The people of China have always yearned for democracy, and the CPC has always stayed true to the mission of delivering their dream. Over the past century, the CPC has led the Chinese people on a long and arduous journey to establish a model of democracy with Chinese characteristics, and it has enabled 1.4 billion Chinese, one fifth of world population, to run their own country with extensive and substantive democratic rights. Their satisfaction with the results proves that this effort has borne fruit.
The CPC puts the people first, serves the public good, and exercises power in the interests of the people. It ensures that the Party exercises leadership, the people run their country, and governance is based in law. Through systemic and institutional improvements, it has championed whole-process people’s democracy in China, and this has laid the groundwork for developing democracy in Hong Kong under the framework of One Country, Two Systems.

 

作为中国共产党和中国政府的伟大创举,“一国两制”在香港的实践已经取得巨大成功,显现出强大生命力和制度韧性。中国共产党和中国政府有信心、有智慧、有能力,既把实行社会主义制度的内地管理好、建设好,也把实行资本主义制度的香港管理好、建设好,并把符合香港特别行政区实际情况的民主建设好、发展好。
The policy is a creative innovation of the CPC and the Chinese government. Robust and resilient, it has proved to be a great success in Hong Kong. With their political vision, the CPC and the Chinese government are certain of the long-term success of the socialist system on the mainland. They are equally certain of the long-term success of both the capitalist system in Hong Kong and a form of democracy suited to its realities.

香港特别行政区正迎来拨乱反正、由治及兴的新阶段。随着香港国安法的实施和选举制度的完善,“爱国者治港”的局面将更加稳固,香港的法治和营商环境将更加优良,社会氛围将更加和谐,长期困扰香港的各类深层次矛盾和问题将更有条件得到有效解决。一个政治民主、法治健全、自由开放、包容和谐、繁荣稳定、胸怀祖国、面向世界的香港必将更好地呈现在世人面前,“一国两制”在香港的实践必将取得更大的成功,香港这颗璀璨的明珠必将绽放更加绚丽夺目的光彩!
Hong Kong is entering a new stage of restored order, a thriving society, and further prosperity. With the Hong Kong National Security Law coming into force, and with improvements to the electoral system, governance by patriots will be further strengthened, the rule of law and the business environment will continue to improve, and Hong Kong will become a more harmonious society. This will create the conditions required to effectively resolve long-standing and deep-seated problems in the region.
Rooted in the motherland, and buttressed by democracy and the rule of law, a free and inclusive Hong Kong will continue to prosper, to enjoy enduring stability and harmony, and to open itself to the world. The policy of One Country, Two Systems will be a resounding success story in Hong Kong, and this dynamic region will continue to prosper.

 

(注1)十二条基本方针政策包括:1.中国政府决定于1997年7月1日对香港地区恢复行使主权。2.恢复行使主权后,根据宪法第三十一条规定,在香港设立特别行政区,直辖于中央人民政府,享有高度自治权。3.特别行政区享有立法权,有独立的司法权和终审权。现行的法律、法令、条例基本不变。4.特别行政区政府由当地人组成。主要官员在当地通过选举或协商产生,由中央人民政府委任。原香港政府各部门的公务、警务人员可予以留任。特别行政区各机构也可聘请英国及其他外籍人士担任顾问。5.现行的社会、经济制度不变,生活方式不变。保障言论、出版、集会、结社、旅行、迁徙、通信自由和宗教自由。私人财产、企业所有权、合法继承权以及外来投资均受法律保护。6.香港特别行政区仍为自由港和独立关税地区。7.保持金融中心地位,继续开放外汇、黄金、证券、期货等市场,资金进出自由,港币照常流通,自由兑换。8.特别行政区财政保持独立。9.特别行政区可同英国建立互惠经济关系。英国在香港的经济利益将得到照顾。10.特别行政区以“中国香港”的名义,单独地同世界各国、各地区以及有关国际组织保持和发展经济、文化关系,签订协议。特别行政区政府可自行签发出入香港的旅行证件。11.特别行政区的社会治安由特别行政区政府负责。12.上述方针政策,由全国人民代表大会以香港特别行政区基本法规定之,50年不变。

(注2)“揽炒”是粤语词汇,香港扑克游戏术语,意为“我要抱着你一起死”,比“同归于尽”“玉石俱焚”更严重。“真揽炒十步曲”是由反中乱港分子炮制出的一个系列行动计划,旨在利用香港特别行政区选举规则的漏洞获得立法会多数议席和主导权,再通过无差别否决包括政府财政预算案在内的所有政府议案、法案等步骤,瘫痪特别行政区政府运作,逼迫全国人大常委会宣布香港进入紧急状态,出重手化解宪制危机,进而招致西方国家介入,对中国共产党和中国政府进行政治及经济制裁,以此实现颠覆国家政权的目的。

(注3)拉布(filibuster),特指立法机关议事时议员通过冗长辩论、无限制演讲等各种方式拉长辩论时间,阻止议案、法案通过的现象。常见于西方议会中的少数派政党议员,为达到特定目的以进行马拉松式演说等方式,拖延时间、瘫痪议程、阻挠投票,最终迫使执政党或多数派议员作出妥协让步。自2010年起,香港立法会一些议员恶意滥用《议事规则》,通过毫无意义的反复点名、发言及纠缠程序问题等方式,阻碍立法会正常议事和运作,致使许多重要的经济民生法案被拖垮,严重妨碍特区政府有效施政,被香港社会称为“费力把事拖”(“拉布”英文单词的中文谐音)。

(注4)2018年4月24日,香港特别行政区立法会在审议《广深港高铁(一地两检)条例草案》时,一位反中乱港议员公然抢夺政府女高级行政主任(EO)的手机和文件,之后更是逃跑到男厕所内阅读、下载及传送手机内的政府文件到自己邮箱。2019年5月27日,香港东区裁判法院裁定该议员的行为构成普通袭击、阻碍公职人员执行公务及不诚实取用电脑三罪。

(注5)2019年10月16日,香港特别行政区行政长官到立法会宣读施政报告,反中乱港议员通过强光灯照射、用投影仪向主席台投射反动口号标语、站在议事桌上竭力喊叫等方式进行阻挠。行政长官只宣读了半分钟,就因数次被打断,场面几近失控而被迫中断离场,不得不第一次采用视频方式宣读年度施政报告。

PDF下载

链接: https://pan.baidu.com/s/1tvws_eXw0Tz7_gOR4pt8zw 提取码: 55g7

获取更多英语学习资源可以加入精品外刊QQ群: https://enclub.com/papers/ 精品视听QQ群: https://enclub.com/video/

发表评论

您的电子邮箱地址不会被公开。 必填项已用*标注

微信公众号
QQ群