我们该如何谈论这些针对亚裔的袭击
We Need to Put a Name to This Violence
JAY CASPIAN KANG
2021年3月26日
In the aftermath of the 1992 Los Angeles riots, a dedicated group of community organizers, activists and academics banded together to address what the press had called the “Black-Korean conflict.” Their work, which included a march through Koreatown demanding peace and the publication of several studies, aimed to tell a story of mutual misunderstanding and media distortion.
1992年洛杉矶骚乱发生后，一群热心的社区组织者、活动人士和学者组织起来，试图化解媒体所谓的“黑韩冲突”。他们的工作包括，在韩国城举行要求和平的游行，并发表了一些研究报告，打算讲述一个关于相互误解和媒体歪曲的故事。
In “Blue Dreams,” the first in-depth post-1992 study of the Black-Korean conflict, John Lie, a sociologist, and Nancy Abelmann, an anthropologist, wrote that while the fissures between the two communities had a long history, “the situation is not simple; the responses are not singular.” For example, they noted, “There are Korean-American merchants who work hard to better community life by holding neighborhood picnics, sponsoring sports teams and offering scholarships.” By casting out a constellation of exceptions, the authors, who certainly were not alone in this type of work, attempted to show that underneath all the media hype, real people were still sharing real community.
社会学家约翰·李(John Lie)和人类学家南希·阿贝尔曼(Nancy Abelmann)在《蓝梦》(Blue Dreams)一书中写道，尽管两个社群之间的裂痕由来已久，“情况并不简单；反应也不是只有一种”。例如，他们指出，“有些韩裔美国商人通过举办社区野餐、赞助运动队和提供奖学金，努力改善社区生活。”通过剔除一系列的例外，两位作者试图表明（还有其他的研究人员也做了类似的工作），在媒体的种种炒作之下，真实的人仍然在共享着真实的社区。
One can certainly understand the desire to reduce tensions and provide some path toward mutual understanding, but many of these calls for unity, especially those expressed in the endlessly nuanced, overly caveated language of that era’s academy, read in hindsight like desperate attempts to paper over the immensity of the divide.
对于希望缓解紧张局势，并为相互理解提供路径的愿望，当然是可以理解的，但其中许多要求团结的呼声，尤其是以那个时代深奥微妙、过于谨慎的学术语言发出的呼吁，事后读起来就像在充满绝望地极力掩盖巨大的鸿沟。
The commonly observed reality was much more straightforward. It took the form of Latasha Harlins, the 15-year-old girl who, a year before the Rodney King verdict, was shot in the back of the head by a Korean store owner in an argument over a bottle of orange juice; the more than 2,000 Korean stores that were looted or burned to the ground during the riots that followed the verdict; the Korean men who carried rifles onto the roofs of their businesses in Koreatown and shot at looters who came near. And anyone who thought that the national news media had invented a race war out of thin air needed only to listen to Ice Cube’s 1991 song “Black Korea,” which warned:
广为目睹的现实要直截了当得多。它体现在拉塔莎·哈林斯(Latasha Harlins)身上，那是在罗德尼·金(Rodney King)一案的前一年，这名15岁的少女因为一瓶橙汁与人发生口角，被韩国店主用枪在背后爆头；在判决出来后，2000多家韩国人的店铺在骚乱中遭到洗劫或者焚毁；韩国人持枪守在韩国城商铺的屋顶，只要有打劫的靠近就开枪。那些认为全国新闻媒体凭空编造了一场种族战争的人，只要去听一听“冰块”(Ice Cube)1991年的歌曲《黑韩国》(Black Korea)，歌里警告：
So don’t follow me up and down your marketOr your little chop suey ass’ll be a targetOf a nationwide boycottJuice with the people, that’s what the boy gotSo pay respect to the black fistOr we’ll burn your store right down to a crispAnd then we’ll see yaCause you can’t turn the ghetto into Black Korea
所以不要在你的市场里死死盯着我/不然你的小杂碎屁股就会被/全国抵制/人民需要果汁/否则没好果子/尊重黑拳头/不然把你的店烧成灰/到时咱们算账/因为你不能把贫民窟变成黑韩国
Over the past month, as reports of attacks on Asian-Americans, particularly Asian-American elders, have circulated, a new generation of scholars, writers and celebrities have tried to figure out not just what to do, but what exactly is even happening, and how to discuss it.
在过去的一个月里，随着亚裔美国人，尤其是亚裔美国老人遇袭的报道流传开来，新一代的学者、作者和名人不仅试图弄清楚该做什么，还想弄清楚到底发生了什么，以及如何展开讨论。
The public conversations, which have focused on rising xenophobia and what it means for a largely professional class of Asian-Americans, reflect, in many ways, the legacy of the scholarship following the 1992 riots. One can feel the understandable desire to reroute the conversation to safer and more familiar conclusions. The conversations also reflect a disconnect between the people on all sides who experience the violence — who are often working class — and the commentariat.
公共对话侧重于仇外情绪的加剧，以及这对于以职场人士为主的亚裔美国人意味着什么，这些对话在很多方面反映了1992年骚乱后的学术研究的影响。人们可以感受到一种可以理解的愿望，即希望将对话专向更安全、更熟悉的结论上。这些对话还反映出经历过暴力的各方人士——通常是工薪阶层——与评论人士之间的脱节。
What’s different is the lack of clarity in the story. It’s still unclear what, exactly, is happening and even less clear why. This time, there is no easy line to draw from the history of a Korean merchant class setting up in Black neighborhoods to a girl lying dead on the floor of a convenience store; no buildings are being torched in retaliation.
不同之处在于，这个故事的细节并不清楚。目前尚不清楚到底发生了什么，原因更是不明。这一次，从韩国生意人阶层在黑人社区立足的历史，到一个女孩死在一家便利店的地上，两者之间的界限是不容易划分的；没有建筑物被焚烧以示报复。
What exists, instead, are videos that show Asians being attacked in cities across the country. Viral outrage usually requires sustained propulsion: One video usually isn’t enough because it can be written off as an isolated incident, but two videos released just days apart, both showing horrifying acts of violence, can create a narrative.
相反，有视频显示，亚洲人在全美各地的城市遭到攻击。群情激愤通常需要持续的推动：一个视频往往是不够的，因为它可以被简单地视为一个孤立事件，但两个相隔数天出现的视频都记录下可怕的暴行，就可以产生一个叙事了。
Two of the most widely shared of these involved elderly men in the Bay Area who were shoved to the ground by Black assailants. One of the victims, an 84-year old Thai man named Vicha Ratanapakdee, died from his injuries.
其中两个流传最广的视频里，都涉及旧金山湾区的老人被黑人袭击者推倒在地。其中一名受害者、84岁的泰国男子威差·拉达那巴迪(Vicha Ratanapakdee)，因伤势过重死亡。
It is difficult to put these videos into a context that makes sense of them, leaving us with several unsatisfying interpretations. And not even the videos themselves are reliable — images of what was described as an attack on a second elderly Asian man, released shortly after the shoving of Mr. Vicha, prompted another round of outrage, including a $25,000 reward from the actors Daniel Dae Kim and Daniel Wu for information that would lead to the capture of the assailant. It turned out that the victim, a 91-year-old man named Gilbert Diaz walking in Oakland’s Chinatown, is Latino.
很难把这些视频置于一个有意义的背景下，这留给我们一些让人难以满意的解释。甚至视频本身都不可靠——在威差被推倒后不久发布的，据说是第二位亚洲老人遇袭的画面，引发了新一轮的愤怒，包括演员金大贤和吴彦祖在内，悬赏2.5万美元，征集可以抓住袭击者的信息。结果后来发现，受害者是一个名叫吉尔伯特·迪亚兹(Gilbert Diaz)的91岁拉丁裔男子，当时他正走在奥克兰的唐人街。
There are claims of a huge national spike in anti-Asian hate crimes, but they largely rely on self-reported data from organizations like Stop AAPI Hate that popped up after the start of the pandemic. These resources are valuable, but they also use as their comparison point spotty and famously unreliable official hate crime statistics from law enforcement. If we cannot really tell how many hate crimes took place before, can we really argue that there has been a surge?
据称，全美范围内针对亚裔的仇恨犯罪激增，但它们采信的是疫情开始后突然出现的Stop AAPI Hate等组织的自我报告数据。这些资源很有价值，但他们也使用执法部门的官方仇恨犯罪统计数据作为比较点，但这些官方数据质量不稳定，是出了名的不靠谱。如果我们不能确定以前发生过多少仇恨犯罪，真的能说仇恨犯罪数量出现了激增吗？
There have also been reports that suggest that these attacks be placed within the context of rising crime nationwide, especially in large cities. What initially appears to be a crime wave targeting Asians might just be a few data points in a more raceless story.
还有报道称，这些袭击事件与全国犯罪率上升的背景有关，尤其是在大城市。最初看来，针对亚洲人的犯罪浪潮，可能只是一个并无太多种族色彩的故事中的几个数据点而已。
There have also been condemnations of Donald Trump and how his repeated use of the phrase “China virus” to describe the coronavirus and his invocation of white supremacy might be responsible. But how does that explain the attacks by Black people? Were they also acting as Mr. Trump’s white supremacist henchmen? Do we really believe that there is some coordinated plan by Black people to brutalize Asian-Americans?
还有人谴责唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)，认为他多次使用“中国病毒”的说法来描述新冠病毒，以及操弄白人至上主义，可能是罪魁祸首。但这又如何解释袭击者为黑人呢？难道他们也是特朗普的白人至上主义的追随者吗？我们真的相信黑人有一些残忍对待亚裔美国人的协调计划吗?
And there are writers who argue that Asian-Americans fall outside the accepted discourse about race in this country — that there’s just no available language to discuss bad things that might happen to them.
还有一些作者认为，亚裔美国人不在这个国家关于种族的公认讨论的范围内，因为没有可用的语言来讨论可能发生在他们身上的坏事。
This last point is only partly true. There are plenty of words to describe discrimination at the hands of white people: white supremacy, microaggressions, the bamboo ceiling, Orientalism. What doesn’t exist now, or for that matter, didn’t exist in 1992, is a language to discuss what happens when the attackers caught on video happen to be Black.
最后一点不全对。有很多词可以描述白人的歧视：白人至上(white supremacy)、微侵犯(microaggressions)、竹天花板(the bamboo ceiling)，东方主义(Orientalism)。现在不存在的，或者说在1992年还不存在的，是一种当视频记录下攻击者恰好是黑人时用于讨论的语言。
And so, we are left with the videos, which transcend language and cultural barriers and exist in a space outside mediation and intervention. They have been viewed thousands, or even millions, of times by a people who are not really a people at all. There is no shared history between, say, Thai immigrants who saw images of one of their own attacked in San Francisco, and the Chinese-American population of Oakland alarmed by the assault in Chinatown.
于是我们就得面对这些视频了，它们超越了语言和文化的障碍，存在于调解和干预之外空间里。它们被一群谈不上属于同一族类的人观看了数万甚至数百万次。比如，泰国移民看到自己的同胞在旧金山遭到袭击的照片，而奥克兰的华裔美国人对唐人街的袭击感到震惊，他们之间没有共同的历史。
Asian-American identity is fractured and often incoherent because it assumes kinship between people who do not speak the same language, and, in many cases, dislike one another. Solidarity between these groups is rare — the burning of Korean businesses during the 1992 Los Angeles riots, for example, did not produce a mass response from Chinese- or Japanese-Americans. But because the recent attacks seem aimed at anyone who looks Asian, they have translated across the language, country-of-origin, and perhaps most important, class lines that usually separate one group of Asians from another.
亚裔美国人的身份是分裂的，经常是不连贯的，因为它假定说不同语言的人之间存在血缘关系，在很多情况下，这些人其实不喜欢彼此。这些群体之间的团结是罕见的——例如，1992年洛杉矶骚乱期间韩国商铺被烧毁，并没有引起华裔或日裔美国人的大规模反应。但是，由于最近的袭击似乎针对的是所有看起来像亚裔人的人，它们跨越了语言、原籍国，或许最重要的是，把一个亚洲群体与另一个亚洲群体区分开来的阶级界线。
For better or worse, a collective identity can emerge from these moments. Amid the outcry, a new form of Asian-Americanness has begun to stand up, unsteadily, on its legs, still uncertain of where it will go. In private conversations, the foreign language press, and messaging apps like WeChat and KakaoTalk catering to the Asian diaspora, a central question is being asked: Why does nobody care when our people get attacked and killed in the streets? Where is the outcry for us? Do our lives not matter?
无论是好是坏，这些时刻都会产生一种集体身份。一片哗然中，一种新的亚裔美国人身份开始蹒跚地站出来，不确定将会走向何方。在私下谈话、外文媒体以及面向亚裔侨民的微信和KakaoTalk等通讯应用程序中，一个核心问题正在被提出：我们的人民在街头遭到袭击和杀害，为什么没有人关心？为什么没有抗议声？我们的命不是命吗？
This is not to say that all Asian-Americans believe that these attacks are racially motivated, nor does it mean that some silent majority now believes that Black people are waging a race war against them. But the answers to the question “Why does nobody care?” has unearthed a series of contradictions that always lurked right beneath the surface, unmentioned in polite company: We are not white, but do we count as “people of color”? (Not according to the newer literature around school equity, which increasingly doesn’t include Asians when discussing diversity.) When people say “Black and brown folk” do they also mean yellow? (Probably not.)
这并不是说所有亚裔美国人都认为这些袭击是出于种族动机，也不是说有所谓沉默多数现在认为，黑人正在对他们发动种族战争。但对于“为什么没人关心？”这个问题的回答，却挖掘出一系列隐藏在表面之下的矛盾，在礼貌的客套话中不会被提及：我们不是白人，但我们算是“有色人种”吗？（围绕学校公平的最新文献并不这么认为，在讨论多样性时，越来越多的文献将亚裔排除在外。）当人们说“黑人和棕人”时，他们也指黄色人种吗？（可能不是。）
These questions are not new, but the attacks have placed them in a discomforting, sometimes maddening, context and heightened their urgency. The videos of the two assaults in the Bay Area, for example, coincided with national scrutiny over the place of high-achieving Asian students in public schools.
这些问题并不新鲜，但袭击事件将它们置于一种令人不安、有时甚至令人疯狂的背景之下，并加剧了它们的紧迫性。例如，旧金山湾区两起袭击事件的视频发布之际，全国范围内，人们正在审视优秀亚裔学生在公立学校所处的位置。
The San Francisco Board of Education recently voted to end merit-based admissions to Lowell, the city’s premier public high school. The ostensible reason for the change is to address equity concerns within the school system and to make Lowell more representative of the city at large. Like most of the public schools with merit-based admissions that have come under fire over the past few years, Lowell is predominantly Asian, with many students coming from Chinese working-class families.
旧金山教育委员会(San Francisco Board of Education)最近投票决定，终止该市首屈一指的公立高中洛厄尔中学(Lowell)的择优录取制度。这一改变表面上的原因是为了解决学校系统内部的公平问题，并使洛厄尔更能代表整个城市。和过去几年受到抨击的大多数实施择优录取制度的公立学校一样，洛厄尔以亚裔学生为主，很多学生来自华裔工薪阶层家庭。
For some Asian-American families in San Francisco, the change amounted to discrimination, not from right-wing politicians or white supremacists, but from the liberals who were supposed to be on their side. This change, juxtaposed with the recent attacks, expose, in microcosm, the deep, discomforting tension that sits at the heart of progressive politics around race: Why would we give up our spots at selective schools to benefit the same people who attack us in the streets? And more broadly: If we are the natural enemy of equity and racial progress, then why should we support it? Is the pursuit of a more equitable America a zero-sum game?
对于旧金山的一些亚裔美国家庭来说，这种变化意味着歧视，并且不是来自右翼政客或白人至上主义者，而是来自本应站在他们一边的自由派。这种变化与最近的几起袭击事件并列，从微观上暴露了关于种族问题的进步主义政治核心中那种深刻、令人不安的紧张关系：我们为什么要放弃上精英学校的名额，让那些会在街上攻击我们的人获益？更广泛地说：如果我们是公平和种族进步的天敌，那么我们为什么要支持它？追求一个更公平的美国是一场零和游戏吗？
The relative truth of this tension can be excavated, debated and examined. The usual explanations, invoking the history of this country, the model minority myth, and the need for solidarity against white supremacy, can be forcefully stated. All these are true and necessary, but they do not tell us why nobody seems to care when Asian people get attacked.
这种紧张关系的相对真实性是可以被挖掘、辩论和检验的。通常的那些解释援引这个国家的历史、模范少数族裔神话，以及团结一致反对白人至上主义的必要性，它们都是有说服力的。所有这些都是真实的，也是必要的，但它们并没有告诉我们，为什么当亚裔受到攻击时，似乎没有人关心。
In the fall of 2018, I spent a few days with Yukong Zhao, a Chinese immigrant businessman who had worked on several Asian-American activist campaigns, whether protesting Jimmy Kimmel’s show or supporting Asian anti-discrimination initiatives against prestigious universities.
2018年秋天，我和华裔移民、商人赵宇空（音）在一起待了几天。他曾参与过几次亚裔美国人的活动，包括抗议吉米·基梅尔(Jimmy Kimmel)的脱口秀，以及支持亚裔针对名牌大学的反歧视倡议。
At the time, it seemed that Mr. Zhao was part of an ascendant Asian-American conservative movement whose main appeal came from upending the carefully constructed, nuanced narrative about the place of Asians in the American racial hierarchy. Mr. Zhao, who voted for Donald Trump and made a losing congressional bid as a Republican in 2020, has fashioned himself into an evangelist of pure meritocracy and self-reliance. He believes that Asian-Americans should be politically active like right-wing Cuban-Americans in Florida.
当时，赵宇空似乎是正在崛起的亚裔美国人保守运动中的一员，该运动的主要吸引力在于，它颠覆了关于亚裔在美国种族等级中所处位置的精心构建、细致入微的叙事。赵宇空曾投票支持唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)，并在2020年以共和党身份参加国会竞选，但以失败告终。他把自己塑造成唯才是举和自力更生的宣传者。他认为亚裔美国人应该像佛罗里达州的右翼古巴裔美国人那样，在政治上更加活跃。
Instead of the capitulations and endless contextualizing offered up by progressive, second-generation Asian-Americans, he and his fellow activists simply asked: What about us? Why does it not count when we’re discriminated against? Toward the end of our time together in his home in Orlando, Fla., Mr. Zhao told me he wished Asian-Americans could unite to fight for their own and persuade Americans to protect them in the same way the Black community does.
他和其他活动人士没有像进步派二代亚裔美国人那样屈服，或者无休止地追求在具体情境中就事论事，他们只是发问：我们呢？那我们呢？为什么我们受到歧视就不算数？我们在赵宇空位于佛罗里达州奥兰多的家中度过的最后一段时间里，他告诉我，他希望亚裔美国人能够团结起来为自己而战，并说服美国人像保护黑人社区一样保护他们。
I disagree with Mr. Zhao on almost every possible substantive point. I do not think America protects Black lives, I support affirmative action, I reject all forms of self-interested, racial chauvinism. But I recognize that in this time of crisis for Asian-Americans, this message of nationalism and self-protection, with all its implied calls for law and order and incarceration, will be heard by millions who are still trying to figure out what “Asian-American” even means. Who will sound like the truth-teller, and who will sound like the out-of-touch liberal who talks vaguely about the need for unity?
赵宇空的几乎所有实质性的观点我都难以苟同。我不认为美国保护了黑人的生命，我支持平权法案，我反对一切形式的自私自利的种族沙文主义。但我认识到，在亚裔美国人处于危机的时刻，这种民族主义和自我保护的信息，以及其中隐含的所有对法律、秩序与监禁的呼吁，将会被成千上万仍在试图弄清“亚裔美国人”涵义的人听到。在我们两人之中，谁听起来像是讲真话的人，谁又听起来像是个脱离现实的自由主义者，泛泛而谈团结的必要性呢？
Last year, a few weeks before the pandemic shut down San Francisco, a video made the rounds on social media. It captured a 68-year-old Chinese man in the Bayview neighborhood in a confrontation with a handful of Black people. The man, who made his living collecting cans, was being harassed and humiliated. The cart he used to carry the day’s haul had been taken away from him. His grabber had also been snatched and a Black man was swinging at him with it.
去年，就在疫情席卷旧金山的几周前，一段视频在社交媒体上流传开来。视频中一名68岁的华裔男子在湾景社区与几名黑人发生冲突。这个以收集易拉罐为生的人受到骚扰和羞辱。他用来运货的推车被人抢走了。一个黑人拿走他的抓钳，冲他挥来挥去。
In the video, you can hear a woman off-camera ask the person filming the encounter to help the old man. He responds: “Hell, no, I’m not helping this [expletive]. I hate Asians.” As the Chinese man begins to despair and cry, the man filming shoves the camera in his face and mocks him.
在视频里，你能听到画外有一个女人的声音，她要求拍摄者帮那位老人一把。他的回答是：“去他妈的，我才不会帮这个……（此处省去脏话）。我讨厌亚洲人。”当那个华人陷入绝望，开始哭泣时，拍摄的男子把镜头推到他的脸上，嘲笑他。
Asian-Americans in the area demanded justice from San Francisco’s progressive district attorney, Chesa Boudin. Mr. Boudin, who is among a new breed of prosecutors who favor restorative justice over jail whenever possible, dropped charges against the 20-year-old man who filmed the attack, citing the wishes of the victim. The decision prompted people to raise the well-worn questions asked by Asian-Americans conservatives like Mr. Zhao: What would have happened if the attackers were Asian and the victim was Black? Do hate crimes count only when they run one way?
该地区的亚裔美国人要求旧金山地区检察官、进步派的博彻思(Chesa Boudin)主持正义。他属于偏好修复式正义而不是刑罚的新一代检察官。博彻思以受害者的意愿为由，撤销了对拍摄袭击过程的那名20岁男子的指控。这个决定促使人们提出了像赵宇空这样的亚裔美国保守派人士的老生常谈：如果袭击者是亚裔，受害者是非裔，会怎么样？仇恨犯罪难道只是单向成立的？
These are not sophisticated questions, but they are being asked over and over again. My fear is that these attacks will also accelerate a trend already underway. Roughly one-third of Asian-American voters supported Donald Trump in 2020, a figure that represented a seven point increase from 2016. As Asian-Americans once again ask themselves where they fit in the country, champions of law and order like Mr. Zhao will provide simple, compelling answers.
这些并非什么复杂的问题，但一再有人拿出来问。我担心的是，这些袭击还会加速一种已经出现的趋势。在2020年，约有三分之一的亚裔美国人选民支持唐纳德·特朗普，这个数字与2016年相比增加了7个百分点。随着亚裔美国人再次问自己在这个国家处于什么位置，像赵宇空这样的法律和秩序的拥护者将提供简单又令人信服的答案。
They will not care about the decades of efforts by courageous Asian, Black and Latino organizers to build solidarity between working-class people in the Bay Area and nationwide, nor will they care that the people who have been attacked appear largely to be from the working poor and will certainly bear the brunt of an escalation in racial conflict.
他们不会关心勇敢的亚裔、非裔和拉丁裔组织者几十年来为了团结旧金山湾区以及全国范围内的劳动阶层所付出的努力，也不会关心受到攻击的一方似乎主要来自贫困工薪阶层，这些人肯定会首当其冲地承受种族冲突升级造成的冲击。
Electoral politics are not everything, nor should they be the basis for how we think about ourselves and how we relate to others. But these past months have also shown the limits of the rote progressive language about race and its assumption, in practice, of a binary between Black and white Americans.
选举政治不是万能的，也不应该成为我们如何看待自己以及我们如何与他人交往的基础。但在过去的几个月，也显示出了关于种族问题的老套进步派语言的局限性，它在实践中假设二元对立出现在美国黑人和白人之间。
There is an opportunity to reshape that language to address the contradictions inherent in the lives of millions of immigrants and to create a reality that acknowledges the size of the rift between Asian and Black Americans, but does not fall into a zero-sum game in which everyone loses.
现在我们有机会重塑这种语言，解决数百万移民的生活中所固有的矛盾，创造一种承认亚裔和非裔之间存在巨大分歧的现实，但不会陷入一场零和博弈，导致人人都是输家。
These questions and contradictions must be taken up before the narrative around these attacks calcifies into something more sinister. Foot patrols have already formed in Asian neighborhoods around the country. Those of us who, like Mr. Boudin, believe in non-jail solutions to crime, must not bury these concerns about the simplistic way in which race is discussed and then acted upon with a fog of platitudes about white supremacy and Donald Trump.
我们必须在围绕这些攻击事件的叙事僵化为更邪恶的东西之前，将这些问题和矛盾解决。在全美各地的亚裔社区，已经建起了巡逻队。我们当中类似博彻思那样相信惩治犯罪不靠监禁手段的人，切不可掩盖这些担忧——即在一大堆关于白人至上和唐纳德·特朗普的陈词滥调基础上，以一种简单化的方式去讨论和应对种族问题。
It has become increasingly clear that in the coming months, the climate of fear and the unsaid conversations could lead to vigilantism or a false accusation against a Black defendant. A militant response, which takes, at least in part, its inspiration from the images of Korean shopkeepers patrolling their rooftops with guns during the 1992 Los Angeles riots, seems possible and should not be dismissed. If left to fester, this reactionary anger will only harden into a reactionary nationalism that will threaten vital community and organizing work and turn one race against another.
越来越清楚的是，在接下来的几个月里，恐惧气氛和未说出口的话有可能导致法外制裁或者对某个黑人被告的诬陷。至少在一定程度上，出现激进回应是可能的，对此不应该忽视（1992年洛杉矶骚乱期间，韩裔店主持枪在屋顶巡逻的形象，会给这种回应带去启发）。如果任其恶化，这种反动的愤怒只会加剧成为反动的民族主义，它将威胁到重要的社区和组织工作，并使一个种族与另一个种族对立起来。
